Wednesday, 30 January 2019

Examining The Pastoral Ministry Of John Knox

By David Saxton

Introduction

It may seem to some that a study on the pastoral ministry of John Knox should be considered Christian fiction. They conclude, without further research, that this fiery Scottish preacher of the Reformation was far more of a fighter than a pastor. After all, did Knox not spend his entire life calling hell-fire down on Queen Mary for her Roman Catholic practices? Unfortunately, the actual pastoral heart and ministry of John Knox has been clouded by an unfortunate caricature of him as an uncontrolled firestorm who upbraided any who would dare disagree with him.

Regarding Knox’s strong preaching and writing against the Roman Catholic practices, such as the Mass, there is no doubt where this preacher stood. In 1550, Knox wrote his polemical treatise entitled, A Vindication of the Doctrine that the Sacrifice of the Mass is Idolatry. Because of his trouble with female Roman Catholic regents, Knox wrote in 1558 his infamous treatise entitled, The First Blast of the Trumpet Against the Monstrous Regiment of Women. These were bold denunciations against religious compromise, but Knox clearly explained that these renunciations were for the gospel’s sake and based on the authority of Scripture. Writing to the Queen Regent of Scotland in 1559, Knox said, [1] “For better, we think, to expose our bodies to a thousand deaths, than to hazard our souls to perpetual condemnation, by denying Christ Jesus and his manifest truth.” [2] Because of his strong stand for the truth, Knox was regularly charged with verbal cruelty or even treason against the queen. William Maitland of Lethington, secretary to Mary, Queen of Scot’s, once accused Knox that “your continual crying…‘The Queen’s idolatry, the Queen’s Mass, will provoke God’s vengeance.’” [3] And D. Hay Fleming even explained that “[t]he Queen of Scots…was thoroughly persuaded that Knox was the most dangerous man in all the realm.” [4]

Yet do strong denunications of gospel error and earnest contending against heresies somehow disqualify a man from also being a gentle pastor of the true flock of God? Could it be that those who feel that Knox was not a loving pastor simply have unbiblical notions of what a pastor’s calling involves? Perhaps critics of Knox have confused pastoral ministry with mere sentimentality. It is this article’s contention that Knox was a warm-hearted, gentle pastor as well as an earnest contender of the faith.

Bold Gospel Ministers Are Often Wrongly Accused Of Being Harsh And Unloving

John Knox was certainly not the first whose bold denunciations of religious error unjustly earned him the reputation of being harsh and cold. The prophets of the Old Testament were no doubt often accused of being unloving simply because they told God’s people the unmixed truth. Yet, the same Paul who declared those who distort the gospel of grace to be eternally accursed (Gal. 1:8-9), also wrote: “we were gentle among you, even as a nurse cherisheth her children” (1 Thess. 2:7)?

If John Knox is unworthy to be called a caring pastor on the basis of his strong denunciations of those who promote biblical error, what then could be concluded of the preaching ministry of the Lord Jesus? Christ certainly did not spare the rod of rebuke when He dealt with the self-righteous religious leaders or the ungodly politicians of His day. Yet He is the Great Shepherd of men’s souls (1 Peter 5:4). Of His ministry it was prophesied that “a bruised reed shall he not break, and the smoking flax shall he not quench” (Isa. 42:3). The Lord was ever so gentle with repentant sinners of the worst sort, yet He aimed all the cannons of divine wrath at those who would wall off His glorious kingdom from lost souls. “But woe unto you, scribes and Pharisees, hypocrites! for ye shut up the kingdom of heaven against men: for ye neither go in yourselves, neither suffer ye them that are entering to go in” (Matt. 23:13).

In many ways, then, justifying the pastoral ministry of Knox will also justify all faithful ministers of the gospel. Myriads of God’s faithful servants today are wrongly accused of harshness for pointing out false teachers (Rom. 16:17-18), but these men in reality are gentle shepherds among their own flocks. Thus, vindicating the pastoral ministry of John Knox will likewise vindicate all gospel ministers who seek to balance a “sword and trowel” ministry—one for the defense of the truth against the enemies of the cross and one for building up the walls of Zion with patience and love.

Both the Lord Jesus and His great preachers throughout history have these dual markings upon their ministries: they are tender, compassionate lovers of sinners and, at the same time, bold denouncers of any false doctrine that shuts off God’s salvation from the sin-wounded lost. Strong preachers of truth are also compassionate men who are called to do extraordinary tasks for the Lord by His grace. John Knox was like any other man called by the Lord into ministry. He understood the daunting nature of his calling and shook in fear. Consider the tenderness that poured from Knox’s heart when he was called by God’s people in the St. Andrews Castle to become their pastor and preacher:
At that, the said John [Knox], abashed, burst forth in the most abundant tears, and withdrew himself to his chamber. His countenance and behavior, from that day until the day that he was compelled to present himself to the public place of preaching, did sufficiently declare the grief and trouble of his heart; for no man saw any sign of mirth of him, neither yet had he pleasure to accompany any man, many days together. [5]
John Knox was no hard and cruel man; he was a man whom God called to be a defender of truth and a compassionate shepherd of souls.

The Pastoral Philosophy And Methodology Of John Knox

This article will endeavor, from Knox’s own words in letters and sermons, to accurately portray the pastoral heart and ministry of this Scottish Reformer by considering him from three perspectives. First, historically, the popular misconceptions concerning Knox’s lack of compassion will be corrected. This misconception is largely due to a lack of accurate historical knowledge of Knox as a man of God. As W. Stanford Reid correctly wrote:
As one reads his letters, whether to individuals or to congregations and nations, one gains the impression that he had a very great interest in the spiritual welfare of those who were facing problems either spiritual or political. He genuinely sought to understand and enter into the doubts and difficulties of those whom he was seeking to assist. [6]
Second, from a practical standpoint, we will consider how no true conflict exists for the man of God between earnestly contending for the faith and maintaining a compassionate, pastoral heart for people. Knox demonstrated how a pastoral heart of love for the people of Scotland led him to actually contend with what may have harmed his people.

Third, I will present Knox not merely as a model of a brave Reformation preacher, but also as a model for today of what a pastor’s love and care of his people should look like. In the preface of his sermon on Isaiah 26:13-21, preached at St. Giles Church on August 19, 1565, Knox explained that he did not see himself as one who would be a great theological writer, [7] but rather “called of my God to instruct the ignorant, comfort the sorrowing, and rebuke the proud, by tongue and lively voice in these most corrupt days.” [8] Rather than being an emotionally removed leader, Knox viewed himself as his people’s “common brother” and that like them he also struggled with the weakness and frailty of his fallen flesh. [9] This humble attitude that communicates to a congregation that “we are in this together” is much needed in a day when the pastor has become more and more removed. Knox provides us with a model of a pastor who knew his flock personally and sought to meet their spiritual needs through the Word of God’s grace.

This article, then, is a basic pastoral theology and methodology of John Knox. An overview of some particular events in Knox’s life that prepared him for the pastoral ministry will be followed by three sections noting his roles as pastoral comforter, pastoral counselor, and pastoral exhorter to godliness. Finally, timely lessons for modern pastors will be drawn from the pastoral ministry of John Knox. The lessons learned should encourage God’s people to be like their Lord—a gentle friend to repentant sinners, but a mighty prophet against those who obstinately refuse and blaspheme the gospel.

The Making Of A Pastor’s Heart In John Knox

One cannot pretend to understand the unique workings of God’s Word in the individual soul of a man, which changes him from a self-centered brute to a truly compassionate shepherd of souls. Yet the Lord often uses personal suffering to make His servants good comforters. Knox was no stranger to Christ’s school of suffering. Difficult events in Knox’s life were used by the Lord to shape him into a comforter to those of God’s flock who were broken and bleeding from trials of life and burdens of soul.

Difficulties In Knox’s Personal Life

The Martyrdom Of His Spiritual Mentor

After Knox was converted to the gospel, his main spiritual mentor was a preacher named George Wishart. Knox attached himself to Wishart, learning from him both by his public sermons and private discussions. M’Crie writes about their relationship that “Wishart was highly pleased with the zeal and talents of Knox, and seems to have presaged his future usefulness.” [10] However, this close friendship came to an abrupt end when Wishart was apprehended for preaching by the forces of Cardinal David Beaton and burned at St. Andrews on March 1, 1546. Knox’s love of his friend and teacher was observed in his willingness to join Wishart even in his execution. However, Wishart refused Knox’s request and ordered him: “Nay, return to your bairns [children], and God bless you. One is sufficient for a sacrifice.” [11] Thus, early in his Christian life, Knox knew by experience the personal cost of following the Lord faithfully; losing his personal mentor was undoubtedly a difficult and soul-wrenching event for this young Protestant. Yet one day, he would have to write comforting words to his brethren in England who were also suffering the fires of martyrdom.

His Suffering As A Galley Slave

When dealing with suffering believers as a pastor, there is no doubt that Knox would often recount his nearly nineteen-month episode of misery as a slave aboard a French galley. Upon the surrender of St. Andrew’s Castle to the surrounding French flotilla on July 31, 1547, Knox was chained and confined to labor on a French ship, the price for being considered a heretic. His time upon this ship was difficult for Knox, to say the least. Lloyd-Jones wrote, “This was a most exhausting experience in which he suffered, not only the rigours of such a life, but intense cruelty also. This undoubtedly left its mark on the whole of his life, because it undermined his health.” [12] Although life upon the ship was exceptionally tedious and boring, Knox tried to make use of this time to refine his biblical thinking. He even wrote “a confession of faith, containing the substance of what he had taught at St. Andrews.” [13] Knox’s time aboard the ship as a slave taught him the lessons of patience in suffering and perseverance in ministry—even in the midst of personal pain. Knox was finally freed from his watery imprisonment in February 1549.

Numerous Personal Illnesses

Like Job and Paul, Knox knew both the pain of a life of constant physical affliction and the experience of sufficient grace from above. Writing about the result of his difficult time of suffering as a slave aboard the galley, Lloyd-Jones concluded that from then on Knox “had a constant struggle against ill health.” [14] M’Crie stated that “in the course of the year 1553, he endured several violent attacks of this acute disorder, [15] accompanied with severe pain in his head and stomach.” [16] In one letter written from Newcastle in early 1553 to his future wife, Marjorie Bowes, he requested prayer for his sickness: “The pain of my head and stomach troubles me greatly; daily, I find my body decays, but the providence of my God shall not be frustrated…. Pray, that at the pleasure of our good God, my distress, both of body and spirit, may be relieved somewhat, for presently, it is very bitter.” [17] Later that same year, Knox confided again to his future wife:
But, dear Sister, I am even in remembrance of faithful Job, yet my great torment [is] that my pain shall have no end in this life. The power of God may, against the purpose of my heart, alter such things as appears not to be altered, as he did unto Job; but distress and pain, with sore anguish, cries to the contrary. [18]
Even though Knox greatly suffered lifelong physical affliction, he, like Job, understood that it was all part of God’s plan. Each pain divinely prepared him to be a comforting minister to others.

One more physical affliction later in his life is also worth mentioning. In October 1570, nearly two years before his death in November 24, 1572, and in the midst of his efforts at continual reformation of the Scotland church, Knox had a stroke. This temporarily removed his ability to speak, and his enemies relished the rumor that Knox would never preach again. To their chagrin, however, he largely recovered his speech. Yet Knox was aware that he had permanently lost the clarity and keenness of his mind. Though difficult for him to accept, Knox’s lifelong physical weaknesses made him a sympathetic, comforting pastor of other hurting souls.

The Untimely Death Of His Wife

During his time as the pastor of the congregation in Berwick, England in 1549-50, Knox had developed a lifelong friendship with the Bowes family. The matron of the household, Elizabeth Bowes, became like a mother to Knox; in God’s good providence, she was destined to officially become his mother-in-law upon his marriage to her daughter Marjorie in the summer of 1553. Due to his preaching responsibilities and the persecution of Protestants in England, it was necessary at times for Knox to spend long periods of time apart from Marjorie; yet she was always a good companion and helper to him.

Just a few years into their happy marriage, tragedy struck the Knox family with a heavy hand. At the end of 1559, young Marjorie passed away. This was maybe the most emotionally painful episode in Knox’s life. M’Crie wrote of his sorrow following her death:
He was left with the charge of two young children, in addition to his other cares. His mother-in-law was still with him; but though he took pleasure in her religious company, the dejection of her mind to which she was subject, and which all his efforts could never completely cure, rather increased than lightened his burden. [19]
Knox’s personal trials were designed to mold him into one whose heart was likened unto the Chief Shepherd of the souls, the Lord Jesus.

Disappointments In Ministry

The Scottish Reformation was difficult and only through many long battles was the victory to be won. No other man was as touched with the victories and defeats of those Reformation years in Scotland as John Knox, and no other man suffered as many disappointments from all corners. Yet God so ordered these ups and downs to shape and mold Knox into the Lord’s model of a pastor.

False Accusations And Multiple Exiles

Knox was first exiled from his homeland of Scotland when taken prisoner by the French at St. Andrews in 1547 and falsely accused of heresy. This exile from Scotland was then followed by a second exile from his family and preaching ministry in England on January 28, 1554. This providential detour took place following the untimely death of Edward VI, coupled with the ascension of “Bloody” Mary Tudor to the English throne and her subsequent persecution of Protestants. For much of Knox’s life, he was a man on the move, never settling in one location for long. But this experience would serve him well, as he would be called to pastor other religious exiles in Frankfurt and Geneva.

A few specific instances from Knox’s life will help illustrate his many exiles. Knox’s primary place of pastoral ministry in the years 1549-50 was the English town of Berwick. Here, Knox experienced a fruitful harvest of souls, yet some complained to the local Bishop that he was preaching that the Mass was idolatrous. On April 4, 1550, Knox was called to stand before a great assembly convened in Newcastle to give an answer for his actions. Rather than apologizing, Knox took the opportunity to teach God’s Word to his audience, including the Bishop of Durham, about how the true gospel of God’s grace is contrary to the idolatrous sacrifice of the Mass. M’Crie stated that “this defence had the effect of extending Knox’s fame through the north of England, while it completely silenced the bishop and his learned suffragrans.” [20] Another result of this assembly was that Knox was asked to pastor the more influential church in Newcastle during 1551, before becoming one of King Edward VI’s royal chaplains. This allowed him the freedom to travel throughout England, preaching the gospel of grace as an evangelist. Through this, Knox learned how the Lord can turn false accusations into greater opportunities for the gospel.

Another difficult time of exile occurred in April 1557, when the Protestant nobility of Scotland decided to take a stand against their Catholic oppressors and invited Knox to return to Scotland from his Genevan exile in order to lead them in a Scottish Reformation. However, no sooner had he left Geneva and arrived in Dieppe, France, to board a ship for Scotland, when he received letters from some of the same Protestant nobles retracting their invitation. However, Knox could testify of God’s ability to turn around man’s failure for ultimate good. During his continued exile in Geneva he was able to lead in the efforts to translate the Geneva Bible for his own countrymen in 1558. When Knox finally made his journey back to Scotland in the beginning of 1559, he suffered further disappointment when he was not even allowed by the English government to visit his wife and former English congregants on the way back to Scotland. Exile, rejection, disappointment, and victories were all part of God’s training course to make Knox into the kind of pastor who would truly love God’s people.

His Rejection By The Frankfurt Church

It would be remiss to not deal with Knox’s brief and unfortunate pastorate in Frankfurt, Germany, from November 1554 to March 1555, since the topic at hand is his ministerial disappointments. Like many European cities of the day, Frankfurt had its share of English Protestants who had fled the persecutions under Mary Tudor. Yet sadly, many of the English exiles in the Frankfurt church were content with merely keeping the status quo of a partial reformation from Catholicism. Knox and his ministerial partner in Frankfurt, William Whittingham, fresh from the notable example of Reformation in Calvin’s Geneva, wanted a more purified church among the English exiles in Frankfurt. Lloyd-Jones uses Knox’s desire for a more purified form of worship in the Frankfurt church as one of his many proofs that he can rightly be called “The Founder of Puritanism”:
While he was at Frankfurt Knox did something which is typically and characteristically Puritan. He and Whittingham…drew up an Order of Service to replace that of the Common Prayer Book which they disliked…. This resulted in his being driven out from Frankfurt; so he went to Geneva. The first attempt at a Puritan Church amongst English people was that in Frankfurt. [21]
After only a few months of ministry in Frankfurt, Knox was unjustly accused by Richard Coxx of making divisive changes in the Frankfurt church. He soon found himself banished from the city. As disappointed as Knox was at this forced departure, he had learned the valuable lesson that some people would not want to be shepherded toward total obedience to God’s Word. Yet, as a loving pastor, Knox could not back down under pressure of compromise from those within professing Christianity. These were lessons which would serve him well as Knox led the lengthy Reformation in Scotland.

Setbacks In The Reformation Of The Scottish Church

To write that Knox had a number of disappointing setbacks in his attempts to bring the Protestant Reformation to bear in his homeland of Scotland would certainly be an understatement. A few of these controversies will suffice in order to understand his pastoral experience.

The collection entitled “Letters Chiefly Related to the Progress of the Reformation in Scotland,” [22] offers a picture of the difficulties Knox faced. In a letter written to Anne Locke on December 31, 1559, Knox explained that reforming Scotland was much harder than he had ever imagined, and that “one day of troubles, since my last arrival in Scotland, hath more pierced my heart than all the torments of the galleys did the space of 19 months.” [23]

Writing to Locke again just over a month later about the Congregation’s battle with the Catholic forces, Knox wrote how “the French…have pursued us with great fury.” [24] He recounted how one Protestant solider named Mr. Whytlaw “was shot at Lundi, right under the left breast, through the jacket, doublet, and sarke,25 and the bullet did stick in one of his ribs.” [26] Knox comforted and pastored the Protestant soldiers as some shed their blood for the cause of the truth of God’s Word.

Further, D. Hay Fleming pointed out that even after French troops had been forcefully expelled from Scotland and the Reformation was underway, Knox still suffered great disappointments due to what he called “the attacks of open opponents and the wiles of false or feeble friends.” [27] How disappointed Knox must have been when the Privy Council failed to ratify his “First Book of Discipline.” What utter frustration Knox must have experienced when the Scottish Parliament invited the return of a Catholic Queen Mary to assume her reign over the government on August 19, 1561. This was soon followed with her insistence on having a private Mass said in the Holyrood Palace, just down the road from Knox’s pastorate at St. Giles. The sense of Knox’s discouragement can be felt in the opening sentence of Knox’s letter to Locke on May 6, 1562: “Our estate here is troublesome.” [28]

Like many pastors, Knox struggled with losing control of stubborn sheep and had to learn to patiently rest in the fact that the battle truly belonged to the Lord. He had to learn to trust the Lord’s perfect wisdom and timing, even if that meant that he was only able to build the foundation of greater things to come. Little did Knox realize that it would not be until 1689, seventeen years after his death, that the Scottish Parliament would finally confirm the Reformation in his country and order that the monarch himself must remain Protestant.

John Knox As A Pastoral Comforter

Having originally thought that comforting words from Knox would be difficult to find, it was a delightful surprise to discover that his written records are abundantly full of warm, pastoral comfort.

Sermon On Isaiah 26:13-21

Unfortunately, so few sermons of John Knox remain extant that it is nearly impossible to arrive at a complete picture of what his weekly preaching ministry actually involved. However, one sermon preserved by Knox himself was his exposition of Isaiah 26:13-21, preached at St. Giles Church on August 19, 1565. [29] In dealing with his text, it is apparent that Knox had a mind to apply its truths “so to comfort us…that utterly we despair not.” [30] Knox entreated his congregation that if they would remember the promise Christ made to protect His church from her enemies, “dear brethren, we have no small consolation.” [31] He spoke sympathetically to the discouraged saints and encouraged them to “[b]e of good courage, o little and despised flock…. He that will not suffer one tear of yours to fall, but that shall be kept and reserved in his bottle.” In one particularly beautiful section, Knox preached comfort based on God’s unchangeable nature: “He will quiet the storms, and…receive those raging floods of violent waters.”

“Two Comfortable Epistles To Afflicted Brethren In England” [32]

On May 10 and 31, 1554, Knox wrote a pair of letters to the persecuted Christians in England, who suffered under the tyranny of Queen Mary Tudor. Once again, the pastoral heart of Knox shines through his written words. He wrote in the first letter that “albeit ye find your heart sometimes assaulted with…desperation, that ye be not troubled above measure, as [though] Christ Jesus should never visit you again.” [33] Later in the same letter, he wrote, “Our Savior Christ Jesus…will visit us again, ere the brightness of his word to our comfort.” [34] Giving persecuted Christians hope seems to have been a large part of Knox’s ministry.

The comforting nature of his second letter is observed immediately in his lengthy title: “A Comfortable Epistle Sent to the Afflicted Church of Christ, Exhorting Them to Bear His Cross with Patience.” [35] Knox shared with the persecuted believers the doctrines that comforted him during times of persecution: Christ is both the all-powerful and divine Judge of those who would harm the church. [36] Knox concluded this letter by the exhortation to “[l]et us in comfort lift up our heads, and constantly look for the Lord’s deliverance.” [37]

“An Exposition Upon Mathew Four, Concerning The Temptation Of Christ In The Wilderness” [38]

Although written for “the comfort of certain private friends,” Knox indicates that his work on Matthew 4 was originally a series of sermons he had preached to “the public church.” [39] Knox encouraged them about Christ’s own temptation that “what comfort ought the remembrance of these things be to our hearts! Christ Jesus hath fought in our battle.” [40] Knox encouraged the believers to follow the example of battling temptations “by the Word of God, and to apply the examples of his mercies…to our own souls in the hour of temptation.” [41] Knox’s writings show that he believed that a pastor was to comfort God’s people during times of trials and afflictions, and particularly in persecution.

Pastoral Comfort To Individual Christians

Although Knox’s public ministry of encouragement has been established, it was his private ministry of comfort in which he seems to have especially excelled. The following are some examples of ministry to individual Christians struggling with various internal problems or external difficulties. They are derived largely from his letters to two women: Elizabeth Bowes and Anne Locke. [42]

Letters To Elizabeth Bowes

In D. Hay Fleming’s study on “The Life and Works of Knox,” he explained “[h]ow tenderly he could deal with those under conviction of sin is apparent from his letters to his mother-in-law.” [43] His patient, pastoral relationship with Mrs. Bowes is maybe the best example. Because of her struggles with spiritual doubts of her own salvation, Knox directed Bowes to comforting passages of God’s Word. This was the purpose behind his commentary on Psalm 6, which Knox wrote “to his beloved mother” to give comfort to her through the cross of Christ. [44] Knox told her that although she felt at times like God had left her, he knew by her life that she was a true child of God. [45] Knox encouraged her that the troubles of her soul were designed by her Great Physician as spiritual medicine to “[r]emove sickness and restore health [as] the very evident signs that Jesus Christ liveth in us.” [46] Knox’s counsel about security in Christ alone was so comforting because, as Christine Newman observed, “Elizabeth’s personal expressions of guilt and unworthiness may have drawn upon and been influenced by the wider attitudes and aspirations of age.” [47] W. Stanford Reid also explained that “Mrs. Bowes’ basic problem seems to have been…lack of assurance…[being] worried she had made a wrong decision in accepting…justification by faith alone.” [48] So Knox’s comforting counsel to his mother-in-law was most likely something he did on a regular basis. He dealt with a widespread problem of consciences that were often still inclined to trust in the Mass as a means of forgiveness.

Far from being emotionally removed from her spiritual struggles, Knox wrote Bowes on July 12, 1572, that when he thought of her personal struggles, “I am compelled to sob and groan to Him who only may give strength, comfort, and consolation.” [49] Yet while Knox comforted her with the gospel, he also challenged her not to quiet her troubled heart by returning to the idolatry of the Mass. [50] Knox illustrated the kind of pastoral comfort that at times must rebuke and correct those who are depressed so they do not look for hope in wrong places. On June 23, 1553, Knox explained to Bowes his intentions to “exhort you to patience, and to fast adhering to God’s promises.” [51] Since he dealt with “the comfort of her troubled conscience,” Knox could only be a true help by pointing her to Christ and the Word of His grace. [52]

Letters To Anne Locke

Little emphasis has been placed on the role of women’s contributions to the Protestant Reformation of the sixteenth century, and Anne Locke is a valuable example of an earnest Christian woman of this age. Like other Reformers, Locke found herself in discouraging situations at times as a result of obeying the Lord. Knox knew that she needed help to continue as an effective servant of the Lord. In 1556, during an apparent time of discouragement, Knox reminded Locke of all the comfort God had given her previously when she fled her homeland and went to help the Reformation in Geneva. [53] In answering her letter that explained some of her difficulties, Knox wrote on September 2, 1559: “Be of comfort, Sister, knowing that ye fight not the battle alone.” [54] On October 15, 1559, Knox again encouraged Locke not to give up her good labor for the Lord: “Fight to the end, and ye shall triumph by Him…whose Holy Spirit comforts you ever.” [55]

On December 31, 1559, Knox shared with Locke that not only was he glad that he could comfort her, but that he needed her encouragement as well. Knox understood that a good pastor knows that he is not spiritually superior to those to whom he ministers. Knox told Locke that he realized that he was also much in need of God’s grace, and that often she as the counselee was a means of comfort to him. He wrote to her:
Dear Sister, I have no less need of comfort…. I have read the cares and temptations of Moses, and some times I supposed my self to be well practiced in such dangerous battles. But alas! I now perceive that all my practice before was but mere speculation; for one day of troubles, since my last arrival in Scotland, hath more pierced my heart than all the torments of the galleys did the space of nineteen months. [56]
General Letters Of Comfort To Various Individuals

To avoid the impression that his comfort to Bowes and Locke were unique in his ministry, a few other examples show that Knox aimed to encourage others. Since much has been said about Knox’s pastoral ministry to women, it would certainly be appropriate to mention the way he ministered to his wife, Marjorie. Of course, since his mother-in-law struggled so greatly with personal assurance, one would expect that his wife might share some of the same spiritual infirmity. Thus, in a letter to Marjorie in 1553, Knox found her in a state of “corporal unquietness” because “the devil provoked you to idolatry.” [57] He continued by comforting her with the truth that the Lord Jesus “breaks not down the bruised reed, nor quenches forth the smoking flax, which words to us are most comfortable.” [58] In another letter dated that same year, Knox told Marjorie in the midst of her doubts, “Stick you only to the truth of God’s Word; only, I say, believe and ye shall [be] safe. And albeit ye find not such perfection as you desire, yet cry with the man that was [in] great troubles, ‘Lord, I believe, help my unbelief.’” [59] Knox helped Marjorie to see that weak faith, whereas it is not ideal faith, is indeed still true faith in God’s eyes.

Knox served as a spiritual comforter to men as well. To his co-pastor Christopher Goodman, he testified in a letter on October 27, 1566, that his goal in ministry had always been for “the comfort of many in the time most dangerous.” [60] On another occasion, Knox comforted a struggling English gentleman living in Basel by the name of Thomas Upcher. In a letter dated August 1, 1557, Knox wrote, “If I can not ease any part of your grief, (that is only the office of Christ Jesus through his Spirit), yet I praise my God I can lament and mourn my brother’s torments.” [61]

In conclusion, John Knox excelled in comforting the saints, particularly in a time when myriads of individuals were breaking free from a conscience bound by the dead works of the Mass and learning to trust in Christ alone. Though Knox was frustrated at times with certain individuals’ inability to obtain assurance of faith, yet, rather than discouraging them because of their spiritual weakness, he continually led them gently to the Lord Jesus and to a better understanding of His saving gospel. Knox serves as a wonderful example of a patient, gracious minister of Christ’s comfort to the weak in faith.

John Knox As A Pastoral Counselor

This section aims to more carefully analyze the type of counsel that Knox gave to those whom he spiritually led in the Lord. Knox’s compassion as a pastor shone brightly as he sought to listen to people’s problems and to skillfully apply God’s Word to their lives. Daniel Frankforter showed how Knox would use multiple “strategies” in order to comfort Elizabeth Bowes in the matter of personal assurance of salvation. Knox had to be patient with her because “Mrs. Bowes’s ability to pose questions easily matched Knox’s resourcefulness in answering them.” [62] When counseling Anne Locke about her spiritual troubles, he patiently urged her to “fear not to be plain with me…so will I endeavor my self to communicate with you…his most sacred Word.” [63] In a letter written by Knox to Locke on April 6, 1559, it is apparent that he was merely replying to her many spiritual inquiries: “In answering your questions…. You ask of me…. These be your questions, and I do answer you.” [64]

Pastoral Counsel And God’s Word

Knox was committed to using only the Bible as his source of counseling material. He helped God’s people understand perplexing, troublesome matters in their lives by mining principles from God’s Word. When writing to Anne Locke on April 6, 1559, Knox explained that “[t]he Word of the living God…shall be sure and stable for ever.” [65] Knox knew the only lasting spiritual deliverance that people would experience came when they committed themselves to the written truth of Scriptures. He encouraged Locke to steer clear of idolatry when he wrote, “The Word of God, which pronounceth perpetual death to idolaters, is irrevocable, and can not be false, [while] the word…of man is vain and uncertain.” [66]

Knox also publicly revealed his commitment to the Word of God in his July 1556 work entitled, “A Letter of Wholesome Counsel, Addressed to His Brethren in Scotland.” In this letter, written from exile in Geneva, Knox offered practical, pastoral counsel concerning their gathering as a church for worship. Knox clearly based his pastoral counsel on the sufficiency of God’s Word for all personal problems. This letter emphasizes that Knox was firmly committed to the necessity of God’s Word functioning in a person’s daily life.
I have thought good to communicate to you…my weak counsel…touching the exercise of God’s most sacred and holy Word, without which, neither shall knowledge increase [or] godliness appear…. For as the Word of God is the beginning of spiritual life,…and the lantern to our feet,…without which no man understandeth the good will of God, so it is also the only organ and instrument which God useth to strengthen the weak, to comfort the afflicted,…and…to preserve and keep the very life of the soul in all assaults and temptations. [67]
The above statement underscores the absolute sufficiency of God’s Word as the only means of genuinely handling the problems of life. It is not surprising then that in this letter to the churches in Scotland, Knox urged them to spend much time publicly reading and studying all of God’s Word, encouraging them to maintain a balance in the various sections of both the Old and New Testaments. [68]

Pastoral Counsel Concerning Trials And Afflictions

One of the themes often present in Knox’s counseling was the matter of coping with trials and afflictions. In a sermon preached on August 19, 1565, [69] Knox addressed God’s good purposes in sending His people trials. Knox preached that trials are “a thing so necessary to God’s children, that unless they be weaned from the pleasures of the world, they can never feed upon that delectable milk of God’s eternal truth.” [70] He comforted God’s people with the truth that trials had a good and kind purpose intended for them by the Lord—and yet, at the same time, they only further harden the hearts of the ungodly. “The reprobate are visited, but never truly humbled, nor yet amended; the chosen being visited, they sob and they cry unto God for mercy; which obtained, they magnify God’s name, and after, declare the fruits of repentance.” [71] Of course, Knox said much more about the purpose of trials in the life of the believer, but, generally speaking, he saw the overall function of trials to “humble” God’s people and bring them into greater dependence upon the Lord. [72] Knox counseled that “the afflictions of this life are not worthy of that glory that shall be shown forth in us, whom God our Father that appointed to be like to the image of his only Son, Jesus Christ.” [73] Knox’s counseling on afflictions and trials in the believer’s life always pointed them back to the wisdom, purpose, and glory of Christ.

Pastoral Counsel Concerning Assurance Of Salvation

The matter of personal assurance of salvation was a particularly troublesome trial for God’s people during the early days of the English Reformation. Many who had turned away from the Mass as the means of forgiveness struggled with resting spiritually in the work of Christ alone. No other person in Knox’s life struggled more with the matter of personal assurance than did his mother-in-law, Elizabeth Bowes, as was discussed earlier. Knox began his counsel of Bowes’s struggle by helping her understand that her personal problems were under the control of God’s loving hand. He explained, “First…the Prophet doth acknowledge all trouble that he sustained…to be sent of God, and not to happen unto him by chance…. The sons of God know both prosperity and adversity to be the gifts of God.” [74]

Having established that God was in control, Knox then provided some biblical reasons for Bowes concerning why God allowed her to continue to struggle internally with doubts. First, Knox counseled Bowes that this would purify her life and give her “a hatred of sin.” [75] Second, Knox explained that her struggle was part of God’s plan to wean her heart from loving this temporary world. He wrote, “God permitteth his Elect to taste of this bitter cup…to raise up our hearts from these transitory vanities.” [76] Third, Knox also tried to explain why the Lord may have chosen to deliver her from her troubles of soul gradually rather than all at once. Gradual rather than immediate deliverance from bondage is also how God allowed Israel to conquer the land of Canaan so they could learn about each divine benefit. [77] Because God had a kind and wise plan for her, even in the midst of the worst struggles and doubts in her life, Knox encouraged Bowes to respond in faith to the Lord’s ways. “How piercing are the eyes of faith, that in so deep a dungeon of desperation, can ye observe…plentiful goodness to remain in our God…. To run to God’s only goodness; there to seek comfort by Christ Jesus, and no where else.” [78]

Thus, Knox dealt with believers’ struggles with assurance of their faith by continually pointing them to God and His grace in Christ while encouraging them to keep seeking the Lord.

Pastoral Counsel Concerning The Schemes Of Satan And Temptation

Another primary theme in the counseling ministry of Knox was to help believers realize the various schemes and strategies that Satan uses to tempt and discourage God’s people. To address this problem, Knox again brought the believer to see that God was easily able to cause the evil intentions of the accuser of the brethren to ultimately work for the believer’s greater spiritual good. For example, in his exposition of Psalm 6, Knox told Elizabeth Bowes that Satan would try to convince her that no true believer could struggle as she did with assurance of salvation. Yet Knox assured her that not only did many genuine believers experience the same trouble, but that God had many good spiritual purposes to accomplish through these attacks of the devil. [79]

In his Exposition upon Matthew Four, Concerning the Temptation of Christ in the Wilderness, Knox explained why these temptations are necessary to go through: it both tries and purifies one’s faith. He counseled: “Temptation…in the Scriptures of God, is called to try, to prove…the will…. This temptation is always good, because it proceedeth immediately from God, to open and make manifest the secret motions of men’s hearts.” [80] So, although Satan sought to destroy God’s child during temptations, God was ultimately in control, directing it for their good. Yet, the only way that God’s child could have the right perspective in temptation and ultimately have victory in it was to do what Christ did while being tempted by Satan—turn to God’s Word. Knox thus wisely counseled:
In this answer of Christ we may observe, what weapons are to be used against our adversary the Devil…. Christ…repulses Satan…to teach us how to use the sword of the Holy Ghost, which is the Word of God, in battle against our spiritual enemy…. Thus are we taught, I say, by Christ Jesus, to repulse Satan and his assaults by the Word of God, and to apply the examples of his mercies. [81]
Knox often reminded those he counseled that they had a crafty foe in Satan, so they needed to keep their mind and hearts stayed on the promises of Christ. Providing counsel to his wife Marjorie, Knox referred to the Christian life as “your continual battle,” and one in which “the art of your adversary, dear Sister, is subtle.” [82] Because one of Satan’s main goals was to keep God’s people from a confident faith in the Lord, Knox exhorted, “Our adversary, knowing that the rest and tranquility of our conscience standeth in this, that we do embrace Jesus to be the only Savior,…he [Satan] labors to make that name odious, and he does this as an enemy…unto Jesus Christ.” [83] To combat these anti-Christian schemes of Satan, Knox counseled Marjorie “to embrace Christ, to refuse idolatry, to confess truth, to love the members of Christ’s body.” [84] In another letter, Knox counseled Marjorie that even though Satan was both strong and crafty, her salvation was sure because God’s Word said that His favor in Christ never changes. [85]

Knox’s counseling method entailed compassionate application of clear reasoning from God’s Word so that counselees were able to ascertain that God’s purposes in their afflictions were for their ultimate spiritual good. They needed to trust in God and apply His mercies to their own particular experience.

John Knox As A Pastoral Exhorter To Godliness

Having dealt with Knox’s ministry of comfort, one may wrongly conclude that his compassion kept him from confronting error or sinful behavior. But Knox knew that sin in the life of God’s people often kept them from personal peace, from God’s blessing, and from a strong sense of assurance. Thus, Knox’s pastoral ministry also involved strong exhortations to godly living. This section seeks to provide some examples of how he exhorted God’s people toward holy living by “speaking the truth in love” (Eph. 4:15).

Knox And Separation From The Idolatry Of The Mass

The majority of Knox’s pastoral exhortations to godliness had to do with maintaining confidence in Christ alone by refusing to return to the idolatrous practices of the Mass. Knox cautioned individuals as well as congregations (and even entire nations) about the judgment of God awaiting those who returned to a life of religious idolatry and sin. What Knox preached was essentially a complete and total separation from the religious apostasy described by Paul in 2 Corinthians 6:14-7:1. While providing comfort to Elizabeth Bowes, Knox told her that she would not find comfort of conscience by returning to the Mass. He wrote to her on July 20, 1554, “Continue stoutly to the end, and bow you never before that idol.” [86] Later, in the same letter, he exhorted her to “[o]nly abstain from external iniquity, that ye make not your members servants to sin.” [87] Knox knew that a godly life, separate from idolatry and personal sin, would be a life at peace. He understood that a good pastor did not overlook sin in the lives of the sheep, but rather rebuked sin to mend their spiritual bones. Even when his counsel to reject the Mass was hard for them to hear, Knox wrote to Locke and Hickman, “Despise not my counsel, dear Sisters, howbeit at this present it appears hard to be followed.” [88]

Knox’s method of exhorting God’s people to godliness is also observed in his 1554 treatise entitled, A Godly Letter of Warning or Admonition to the Faithful in London, Newcastle, and Berwick. Taking Matthew 10:22 as his primary text, Knox challenged those in England not to return to the idolatry of the Mass from which the Lord had so graciously delivered them. Knox explained that the goal of his “admonition is…as you purpose and intend to avoid God’s vengeance,…so ye avoid and flee…all fellowship and society with idolaters in their idolatry.” [89] Like God’s judgment on Judah before their fall to the Assyrians, so God was beginning to justly punish England for her rejection of the truth. [90] Then, so that his readers would completely understand the consequences of their actions, Knox took the time to have them consider in detail what happens when a person or nation returns to idolatry. [91]

Similar to his “Godly Letter” was Knox’s 1554 treatise entitled, A Faithful Admonition to the Professors of God’s Truth in England. Based on Isaiah 9:12, Knox had two goals for this work. First, Knox wanted to remind Christians that the Devil always seeks to overthrow true churches. [92] And second, he sought to show that the Devil’s tyrannies, expressed recently in the promotion of the Mass, will never thwart God’s own purposes. [93] Thus, Knox exhorted England to godliness, which meant that they must reject all religious idolatry and continue in obedience to God’s Word. He warned, “Transubstantiation [is] the bride that the Devil hatched by Pope Nicolas, and since that time fostered and nourished by all his…sworn soldiers…[of] his black brood in England.” [94]

Knox’s letters of exhortation to godliness reveal that he understood that God’s blessing could never rest upon disobedience. His example teaches us that an important aspect of pastoral ministry is to confront and lay bare sin in an individual, church, or even a nation at times. Knox wrote to the people of England in his 1559 treatise entitled, An Epistle to the Inhabitants of Newcastle and Berwick:
I have no pleasure (God is witness) to threaten you, much less to pronounce plagues and God’s severe judgments against you, but seeing and considering your horrible defection from God, and from his truly known and professed, I dare not cease to exhort you to repentance.
Knox And His Exhortation To Holy Living

In letters to his former English congregations, Knox revealed his desire to present them to the Lord as a pure and chaste bride. In his Epistle to the Congregation of Berwick, Knox’s burden was to show them “by Christ’s passion especially…how odious and detestable sin is in the sight of our heavenly Father.” [95] For Knox, the focus of godly living was not only on keeping from sin, but also living in forgiving love toward others in the church. Consider his closing pastoral counsel to the church of Berwick:
Let Christian charity and brotherly love be restored and increased amongst you, one forgiving another, and the stronger bearing with the infirmity of the weaker, even as ye will that God pardon and bear with your manifold offenses. And of this be persuaded, that without brotherly love and remission of offenses one against another committed, society nor fellowship can ye not have with God. [96]
Further, Knox’s call for God’s people to live holy lives was something that he practiced in his individual letters to those he pastored. For example, as he finished writing Elizabeth Bowes about Psalm 6 on February 28, 1553, Knox challenged her: “I exhort and admonish you constantly to continue with the truth, with which you shall triumph and obtain victory, despite Satan and his malice.” [97] Writing about Knox’s relationship with the various women in his life—from queens to female friends and family—Susan Welch correctly concluded that all of his written works to women [98] must be understood to “flow from his view of godly behavior as defined by Scripture.” [99] Holiness and purity according to the standard of God’s Word is why Knox called ungodly queens to be removed, as well as encouraging some wives to even separate from husband and home in order to prevent ungodliness and idolatry. Felch concluded of his ministry, “No one is exempt from the call to holiness—men or women, rulers or people, old or young.” [100] Knox consistently encouraged God’s people to live holy lives, which proves how God’s Word was the driving force behind his pastoral ministry.

Concluding Lessons From Knox’s Pastoral Ministry

Pastors Must Maintain A Personal Ministry

Knox is an excellent example for the modern pastor on how to have a healthy ministry with people. His example serves as a warning to a pastor who takes a hands-off approach toward pastoring. Knox knew nothing of professional distance from people in his congregation. In a day when many pastors look more like the CEO of a business than a shepherd of God’s flock, Knox’s ministry stands as a model of one who loved personal contact with Christ’s sheep. His pastoral heart was correctly expressed when Jane Dawson wrote, “Knox would stay with the flock if there were only ten people left.” [101]

Another important lesson from Knox’s pastoral ministry was his pastoral care shown to women. Here, his ministry brings validity to (and even an elevation to) a pastoral ministry to women. This is important to understand, because often the modern pastor becomes so focused on mentoring men that he neglects the spiritual needs of women. History teaches us to maintain a biblical balance, and the pastoral ministry of Knox shows us how to maintain godly, pure, and proper pastoral relationships with women in our congregations.

Preachers Must Also Be Pastors

John Knox clearly understood what many modern pastors do not—that there is a great difference between being a preacher and being a pastor. Knox was both. Being a good pastor no doubt helped him become a better preacher.

His words of comfort and biblical counsel constantly jump off the pages of his writings. His legacy of pastoral ministry lives until this day as a compassionate shepherd of Christ’s flock—one who was always intent on personally and patiently helping those in spiritual distress and life’s trials. In his sermon on Isaiah 26:13-21, Knox counseled, “The chambers are then God’s sure promises, unto the which, God’s people is commanded to resort, yea, within the which, they are commanded to close themselves in the time of greatest adversity.” [102]

Pastors Must Both Earnestly Contend And Gently Care

Knox was truly balanced in his ministry of denouncing sin and compromise while maintaining a heart of love for his people. In reality, it was Knox’s love and concern for the spiritual welfare of souls that led him to so earnestly battle against the devilish inroads of Roman Catholic idolatry and other false doctrines.

In a day when pastors who take a strong stand for the truth are accused of being mean-spirited, Knox shows that a biblical pastor must both defend the truth against error and gently restore those who have fallen prey to doctrinal error. Like our Lord Jesus, Knox had the strongest words possible reserved for papists, legalists, and sacramentalists—those who shut off the kingdom of God from sinners. Yet, at the same time, he used such comforting words to those who struggled with finding peace in Christ, those who were weak in their faith, or those who penitently mourned over the greatness of their sinfulness.

Yet, with all of Knox’s pastoral care for Christ’s sheep, he had no qualms about calling for separation from false teachers, sinful practices, and false worship. In a letter to Locke on October 15, 1559, he challenged her that “I did write my full judgment concerning the participation with a bastard religion, the sum whereof was this:…That we ought not to justify with our presence such a mingle mangle [103] as is now commanded in your kirks.” [104] Knox called on Protestants to formally separate themselves from churches which preached a gospel of sacramental works, contrary to grace alone in Christ. This example of what it means to “come out from among them and be separate” is much needed in our day of false, ecumenical unity in the name of Christian love.

The Pastor’s Primary Tool In Personal Counsel And Public Ministry Is God’s Word

Knox was thoroughly committed in doctrine and practice to the absolute sufficiency of God’s Word to deal with all spiritual problems. His letters and treatises were comprised of simple and well-reasoned arguments from the Word of God. The Word was his weapon both to tear down sin and build up faith.

Knox made many enemies in his lifetime, and opinions are still divided over whether or not his ministry was too confrontational. But what really divides people’s opinions over Knox’s ministry is what has always divided people over certain bold preachers: their attitude toward God’s truth. What Iain Murray wrote of Jonathan Edwards’s ministry could equally be applied to Knox:
Here is the fundamental reason why opinions on Edwards are so divided, and why his biographers should also differ so widely. The division runs right back to the Bible, and, depending on where we stand in relation to Christ, we shall join ourselves to one side or the other in interpreting this man who was, first of all, a Christian. [105]
Because of his confidence in God’s Word, all Knox wrote and declared was full of biblical references. His core pastoral philosophy, whether in comforting, counseling, or exhorting people to godliness, lay in his full commitment to the truthfulness and authority of God’s Word. One of Lloyd-Jones’s primary arguments that John Knox is the founder of Puritanism was that “he brings out so clearly the guiding principles of Puritanism…the supreme authority of the Scriptures as the Word of God.” [106] In our day of watered-down doctrine and weak preaching, may the Lord bless our land by giving us preachers of conviction and pastors of compassion to shepherd the flock of God. We need pastors who share the biblical spirit of John Knox.

Notes
  1. I have updated the old Scottish language into its modern equivalent according to the Dictionary of the Scots Language [http://www.dsl.ac.uk/index.html].
  2. John Knox, The Works of John Knox, 6 vols., ed. David Laing (Edinburgh: Wodrow Society, 1846-1864), 1:326.
  3. John Knox, John Knox’s History of the Reformation in Scotland, 2 vols., ed. William Croft Dickinson (London: Thomas Nelson and Sons, 1949), 2:114.
  4. D. Hay Fleming, “The Influence of Knox,” Scottish Historical Review 2 (1905): 132.
  5. Knox, History, 1:82-83.
  6. W. Stanford Reid, “John Knox, Pastor of Souls,” Westminster Theological Journal 40 (1977): 1.
  7. Such as his friends John Calvin and Theodore Beza.
  8. Knox, Works, 6:229.
  9. John Knox, “Epistle to the Congregation of Berwick” (1552) in Peter Lorimer, John Knox and The Church of England: His Work in Her Pulpit and His Influence upon Her Liturgy, Articles, and Parties (London: Henry S. King and Company, 1875), 260.
  10. Thomas M’Crie, The Life of John Knox (Glasgow: Free Presbyterian Publications, 1991), 29.
  11. Knox, History, 1:69.
  12. D.M. Lloyd-Jones, “John Knox—The Founder of Puritanism,” The Puritans: Their Origins and Successors (Edinburgh: Banner of Truth Trust, 1987), 261.
  13. M’Crie, John Knox, 39.
  14. Lloyd-Jones, Puritans, 261.
  15. He suffered with “gravel,” which seems to be kidney stones.
  16. M’Crie, John Knox, 49.
  17. Knox, Works, 3:351.
  18. Knox, Works, 3:353.
  19. M’Crie, John Knox, 128.
  20. M’Crie, John Knox, 45.
  21. Lloyd-Jones, Puritans, 274.
  22. Cf. Knox, Works, 6:1-148. These were written in the years 1559-1662.
  23. Knox, Works, 6:104.
  24. Knox, Works, 6:107. This is dated February 4, 1560.
  25. This was the garment worn nearest to the skin.
  26. Knox, Works, 6:108.
  27. D. Hay Fleming, “The Influence of Knox,” Scottish Historical Review 2 (1905): 43-44.
  28. Knox, Works, 6:140.
  29. Cf. Knox, Works, 6:221ff. Knox recorded this sermon to vindicate false charges against him due to his offending Lord Darnley.
  30. Knox, Works, 6:245.
  31. Knox, Works, 6:250-51.
  32. Cf. Knox, Works, 3:227ff.
  33. Knox, Works, 3:232.
  34. Knox, Works, 3:235.
  35. Knox, Works, 3:239.
  36. Knox, Works, 3:244.
  37. Knox, Works, 3:248.
  38. Knox, Works, 4:85ff.
  39. Knox, Works, 4:89.
  40. Knox, Works, 4:104.
  41. Knox, Works, 4:113.
  42. Because of his 1558 treatise against female monarchs (The First Blast Against the Monstrous Regiment of Women) some conclude that he must have had a lack of respect for women. Lloyd-Jones writes that “Knox is generally regarded as being an arrogant man, and one who was rude in the presence of Mary, Queen of Scots. But that is all based on the fallacy of what makes a man a ‘ladies man.’” In reality, Knox’s correspondence with these women shows a man who truly respected women, as well as providing a model for how to minister to women in the church.
  43. D. Hay Fleming, “The Life and Work of Knox,” in John Knox: Appreciations by United Original Seceders (Edinburgh: Oliphant, Anderson, and Ferrier, 1905), 45.
  44. Knox, Works, 3:119.
  45. Knox, Works, 3:137.
  46. Knox, Works, 3:132.
  47. Christine M. Newman, “The Reformation and Elizabeth Bowes: A Study of a Sixteenth-Century Northern Gentlewoman,” in Women in the Church, Studies in Church History (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1990), 27:329.
  48. Reid, “Pastor of Souls,” 4.
  49. Knox, Works, 6:515.
  50. Knox, Works, 6:516-17.
  51. Knox, Works, 3:339.
  52. Knox, Works, 6:514.
  53. Knox, Works, 4:220-21.
  54. Knox, Works, 6:79.
  55. Knox, Works, 6:85.
  56. Knox, Works, 6:104.
  57. Knox, Works, 3:361.
  58. Knox, Works, 3:361.
  59. Knox, Works, 3:367.
  60. Quoted in Jane Dawson and Lionel K. J. Glassey, “Some Unpublished Letters from John Knox to Christopher Goodman,” Scottish Historical Review 84, no. 2 (2005): 183.
  61. Knox, Works, 4:242.
  62. Frankforter, “Elizabeth Bowes and John Knox,” 343.
  63. Knox, Works, 4:237.
  64. Knox, Works, 6:11, 13.
  65. Knox, Works, 4:224.
  66. Knox, Works, 4:224.
  67. Knox, Works, 4:133.
  68. Knox, Works, 4:138-39.
  69. This sermon was preached at St. Giles Church in Edinburgh and greatly offended Lord Darnley, who was in attendance.
  70. Knox, Works, 6:253.
  71. Knox, Works, 6:256.
  72. Knox, Works, 6:272.
  73. Knox, Works, 3:359. This was Knox’s counsel about personal trials given in 1553 from Newcastle, England, to Elizabeth and Majorie Bowes.
  74. Knox, Works, 3:122.
  75. Knox, Works, 3:125.
  76. Knox, Works, 3:128.
  77. Knox, Works, 3:129.
  78. Knox, Works, 3:147.
  79. Knox, Works, 3:124-25.
  80. Knox, Works, 4:96.
  81. Knox, Works, 4:112-13.
  82. Knox, Works, 3:348.
  83. Knox, Works, 3:348.
  84. Knox, Works, 3:348-49.
  85. Knox, Works, 3:363.
  86. Knox, Works, 3:345.
  87. Knox, Works, 3:347.
  88. Knox, Works, 4:219.
  89. Knox, Works, 3:166.
  90. Cf. Knox, Works, 3:170-71, 175, 188.
  91. Knox, Works, 3:191.
  92. Knox, Works, 3:280.
  93. Knox, Works, 3:284.
  94. Knox, Works, 3:278-79.
  95. Knox, “Berwick,” 253.
  96. Knox, “Berwick,” 264.
  97. Knox, Works, 3:155.
  98. Including his controversial A First Blast of the Trumpet Against the Monstrous Regiment of Women (1558).
  99. Susan M. Felch, “The Rhetoric of Biblical Authority: John Knox and the Question of Women,” Sixteenth Century Journal 26, no. 4 (1995): 821.
  100. Felch, “Knox and the Question of Women,” 822.
  101. Dawson, “Unpublished Letters from John Knox,” 195.
  102. Knox, Works, 6:264.
  103. “Mingle Mangle” means a confused mixture or a hodge-podge.
  104. Knox, Works, 6:83.
  105. Iain H. Murray, Jonathan Edwards: A New Biography (Edinburgh: The Banner of Truth Trust, 1987), xxvi–xxvii.
  106. Lloyd-Jones, Puritans, 268.

The Great Test of Sanctification - Dr. Joel Beeke Sermon

The Puritans On Conscience And Casuistry

By Joel R. Beeke

When Martin Luther (1483-1546) was asked to recant the views he had expressed in his books, he is said to have replied, “My conscience is captive to the Word of God. I cannot and will not recant anything, for to go against conscience is neither right nor safe.” [1] Ever since Luther, the Reformation faith has revolved around questions of having a good conscience in the presence of God. [2] Since conscience speaks directly in the soul as God’s representative, the Puritans also recognized that understanding and forming the conscience was central to serving the Lord with gladness. “Conscience, it is either the greatest friend or the greatest enemy in the world,” Richard Sibbes (1577-1635) said. [3] The Puritans took up this concept and fleshed it out more fully than the Reformers had done, developing both the doctrine of conscience and considering specific questions of conscience. The Puritan preacher’s most momentous task was awakening and guiding the human conscience.

In this article, I will first discuss Puritan theology of the conscience, and second the development of the Puritan practice of casuistry of conscience.

The Puritans On The Conscience

Several Puritans wrote books on conscience. William Perkins (1558-1602) wrote A Discourse of Conscience Wherein is Set Down the Nature, Properties, and Differences thereof: as also the Way to Get and Keep a Good Conscience; [4] William Ames (1576-1633) wrote Conscience, with the Power and Cases Thereof; [5] William Fenner (1600-1640) wrote The Souls Looking-Glasse, lively representing its Estate before God: With a Treatise of Conscience; Wherein the definitions and distinctions thereof are unfolded, and severall Cases resolved; [6] and Nathanael Vincent (1638-1697) wrote Heaven upon Earth: or, a Discourse Concerning Conscience. [7]

Under the theme of Puritan theology of the conscience, I will first look at the nature of the conscience as created by God; second, the corrupt state of the conscience due to man’s sin; and third, the restoration of conscience by the Word and Spirit of Christ.

The Nature Of The Conscience

According to the Puritans, the conscience is a universal aspect of human nature by which God has established His authority in the soul for men to judge themselves rationally. Norman Clifford writes, “The witness of conscience in man’s soul was the means by which all natural knowledge of God was sustained. The presence of conscience meant the presence of God’s witness and ambassador in the soul of man ever reminding him of his responsibility towards God.” [8]

The Puritans stressed:

1. Everyone has a conscience. The Puritan authors began their works on conscience by stressing, first, that Scripture, experience, and “the light of nature” affirm that every person has a conscience. [9] For example, Nathanael Vincent wrote, “This thing, called conscience, is in everyone; there is no man without it. You may as well suppose a man without an understanding as without a conscience.” [10] Vincent went on to say, “Conscience is not to be escaped; we can no more fly from conscience than we can run away from ourselves.” [11]

2. Conscience empowers self-knowledge and self-judgment. Samuel Ward (1577-1640), following the medieval theologians Hugo of St. Victor (c. 1096-1141) and Bernard of Clairvaux (1090-1153), wrote of conscience as the soul’s God-given ability to reflect upon itself.12 William Ames (1576-1633) defined conscience as “a man’s judgment of himself according to the judgment of God on him.” [13] The Puritans followed Thomas Aquinas (1225-1274) in viewing conscience as a part of practical reason, that is, an exercise of the mind of man passing moral judgments. [14]

3. Conscience reasons syllogistically. The Puritans depicted the reasoning of conscience as a syllogistic form, much as Aquinas did. [15] This form of reasoning includes a major premise stating a general principle, then a minor premise stating an observation or fact, then a conclusion that results from putting these premises together. In his treatise on conscience, Ames illustrated the reasoning of conscience with two syllogisms. The major premise of the first syllogism is: He that lives in sin shall die. The minor premise is: I live in sin. The conclusion is: Therefore I shall die. [16] Ames also offered a syllogism of conscience that arrives at a happier conclusion. The major premise is: Whoever believes in Christ shall not die but live. The minor premise is: I believe in Christ. If this is established as true, the believer is free to draw the conclusion: Therefore I shall not die but live. [17] The Puritans say all the acts of conscience have this syllogistic form, even if they take place unconsciously in a moment.

4. Conscience represents God in our soul. The Puritans illustrated the divinely authorized role of conscience in the soul with a number of lively pictures and personifications, such as “God’s deputy,” “the most powerful preacher that can be,” “a register, to witness what is done,” “God’s sergeant he employs to arrest the sinners,” and “the soul’s glass” or mirror to see itself. [18]

In summary, the Puritans taught that human nature universally includes a conscience, that is, the representation of the voice of God, authoritatively leading us to judge ourselves by rational deductions from our knowledge of God’s will and knowledge of ourselves.

The Corruption Of Conscience

For the Puritans, sin was not merely a choice but a corruption of the soul resulting from the Fall. [19] The Puritans viewed the conscience as profoundly affected by man’s fall into sin and misery. They wrote a great deal about various types of evil consciences. Here is a summary of six kinds of evil consciences that they described, moving from the least to the most evil.

1. The Trembling Conscience. The trembling conscience accuses the soul of sin and threatens the soul with God’s wrath. Fenner said a guilty conscience is like “a hell to men here on earth,” [20] a pointer to the reality of the hell coming on sinners. [21] John Trapp said, “One small drop [of guilt] troubles the whole sea of outward comforts.” [22]

2. The Moralist Conscience. This conscience has some good elements, for it is grounded upon God’s law and thus, wrote Richard Bernard (1568-1641), it “produceth much good for the exercise of moral virtues in men’s living together in societies, to preserve justice, equity, to do good works, and to uphold a common peace among them.” [23] But civil virtue cannot save. Bernard said, “A moralist may lift up himself, as the young rich man in the Gospel did, yet can it not give him assurance of eternal life.” [24]

3. The Scrupulous Conscience. The scrupulous conscience makes too much out of religious duties and moral trifles. It is scrupulously religious but does not look to Christ alone for salvation nor find peace in Christ. The scrupulous conscience “determines a thing to be lawful, yet scarcely to be done, lest it should be unlawful,” as Samuel Annesley (ca. 1620-1696) said. [25] It engages in the kind of self-examination that produces aimless introspection and inner gloom. The Puritans would agree with Calvin who said that if you contemplate yourself apart from Christ, the Word, and the Spirit, “that is sure damnation.” [26]

4. The Erring Conscience. Annesley wrote, “Conscience is sometimes deceived through ignorance of what is right, by apprehending a false rule for a true, an error for the will of God: sometimes, through ignorance of the fact, by misapplying a right rule to a wrong action. Conscience, evil informed, takes human traditions and false doctrines, proposed under the show of Divine authority to be the will of God.” [27]

5. The Drowsy Conscience. Annesley wrote of people with such a conscience, “One of the worst kinds of conscience in the world, is the sleepy conscience. Such is the conscience of every unconverted person, that is not yet in horror. Their spirit, that is, their conscience, is asleep (Rom. 11:8)…and therefore, in conversion, Christ doth awaken the conscience.” [28] A drowsy conscience produces a silent conscience, making it like a “sleepy careless coachman who giveth the horses the reins and letteth them run whither they will,” Fenner said. [29]

6. The Seared Conscience. Perkins wrote, “Now the heart of man being exceedingly obstinate and perverse, carrieth him to commit sins even against the light of nature and common sense: by practice of such sins the light of nature is extinguished: and then cometh the reprobate mind, which judges evil good, and good evil: after this follows the seared conscience in which there is no feeling or remorse; and after this comes an exceeding greediness to all manner of sin (Eph. 4:18; Rom. 1:28).” [30] Fenner says that a seared conscience can “swallow down sin like drink and without any remorse.”

The Restoration Of Conscience

In God’s restoration of His image in the soul, He also restores the conscience. This takes place in awakening the conscience by preaching, informing the conscience by Scripture, healing the conscience by the gospel, and exercising the conscience in self-examination.

1. Conscience must be awakened by preaching. One mark of a powerful preacher, according to the Puritans, was the way he would “rip up” men’s consciences to show them what was at the bottom of their hearts. [31] The Westminster Directory for Public Worship says application is difficult for the preacher, for it requires “much prudence, zeal, and meditation, and to the natural and corrupt man will be very unpleasant.” Yet application is necessary so that a preacher’s listeners “may feel the Word of God to be quick and powerful, and a discerner of the thoughts and intents of the heart; and that, if any unbeliever or ignorant person be present, he may have the secrets of his heart made manifest and give glory to God.” [32]

2. Conscience must be informed by Scripture. If conscience is not guided by Scripture, it will still function, but according to inadequate standards. It will fail to condemn when it should, it will justify things that ought not to be justified. The Westminster Confession (20.2) said that God alone is Lord of the conscience. Richard Baxter (1615-1691) explained, “Make not your own judgments or consciences your law, or the maker of your duty; which is but the discerner of the law of God, and of the duty which he maketh you, and of your own obedience or disobedience to him…. It is not ourselves, but God that is our lawgiver.” [33] The purpose of conscience is to make us continually aware of the presence of the holy God. Vincent wrote, “A good conscience will make men set themselves as before God continually.” [34]

3. Conscience must be healed by the Spirit applying the gospel. William Gurnall said, “Peace of conscience is nothing but the echo of pardoning mercy.” [35] The gospel announces peace and forgiveness for all who trust in Christ who was crucified for sinners. It is by the Holy Spirit that the conscience lays hold of the gospel by faith in Christ’s blood, finds peace with God, and has growing assurance of salvation. Perkins said, “The principal agent and beginner thereof is the Holy Ghost, enlightening the mind and conscience with spiritual and divine light: and the instrument in this action is the ministry of the gospel whereby the word of life is applied in the name of God to the person of every hearer and this certainty is by little and little conceived in a form of reasoning or practical syllogism framed in the mind by the Holy Ghost.” [36]

4. Conscience must be exercised by regular self-examination. Thomas Watson wrote, “Self-examination is the setting up a court in conscience and keeping a register there, that by strict scrutiny a man may know how things stand between God and his own soul…. A good Christian begins as it were the day of judgment here in his own soul.” [37] Self-examination is especially important, Watson said, in preparation for the Lord’s Supper. [38]

Contrary to some caricatures, the Puritans did not glory in guilt. They gloried in Christ. An awakened conscience served to drive men to Christ. A good conscience enabled men to walk with Christ. Therefore they accepted the conscience as a gift of the Creator, diagnosed the conscience in its disorders from the Fall of man into sin, and worked to restore the conscience to its healthy functioning through the Word of Christ. This treasuring of a good conscience before God led the Puritans into a quest to answer specific cases of conscience, or the science of casuistry, which is my second main topic in this paper.

The Puritans On Casuistry

In giving attention to the awakening and shaping of the human conscience, many Puritans also wrote books on various cases of conscience, which came to be called the casuistry of conscience. [39] Casuistry has been defined as “a technique evolved by the Jesuits for finding excuses for not doing what you ought to do.” [40] The Puritans would abhor such an idea. For them, casuistry was the art of biblical theology applied with moral integrity to various situations. Thomas Merrill says casuistry “may best be understood as a method of blazing trails through the ethical wilderness that too often separates theory from practice, code from conduct, and religion from morality.” [41] The Puritans, as heirs of the Reformers, were deeply concerned to shepherd the flock of God with practical guidance related to what God expected of His covenant people. [42]

This section of my paper will trace the development of Puritan casuistry chronologically from its seminal beginnings, to its systematic development in the hands of William Perkins, the father of Puritan casuistry, to its flowering in the early seventeenth century, its fullness in the 1640s through the 1670s, and then in its fading at the end of the Puritan era. [43]

The Firstfruits Of Puritan Casuistry

The Puritans concurred with Calvin that communicant members of the church should be held accountable to biblical standards for their conduct. Since not all cases were clear, however, Puritan ministers often sought the advice of their colleagues at classis gatherings. These cases became known as cases of conscience. [44] When the classis could not come to a clear resolution on a particular case, they customarily referred such matters to Cambridge University, which Norman Clifford says, “undoubtedly foreshadowed the fact that this University was to produce many of the most outstanding Puritan casuists of the period.” [45]

One of the most active ministers in those early meetings in Cambridge was Richard Greenham (c. 1542-1594), from Dry Drayton, five miles northwest of Cambridge. Thomas Fuller (1608-1661) said that many “who came to him with weeping eyes…went from him with cheerful souls.” [46] Scholars today commonly acknowledge Greenham as a pioneer of Puritan casuistry. His pastoral letters and notes recorded by students were later published as “tabletalk” writings. [47] His counsel was incisive. When John Dod (c. 1549-1645) came to him in self-pity, Greenham responded, “Son, son, when affliction lies heavy, sin lies light.” [48]

Richard Rogers (1550-1618), vicar of Wethersfield and member of Braintree Classis, wrote the book Seven Treatises (1604) as a practical manual for Christians with various cases of conscience.49 Rogers wrote both to offer relief to troubled souls and to counteract the Jesuits who were deriding the Reformed for their lack of moral writings.50 The book counsels the Christian to rule his life by exercising watchfulness, practicing meditation, using the Christian armor of Ephesians 6, engaging in prayer, reading Scripture and godly authors, offering thanksgiving, and practicing fasting.51 William Haller writes, “Seven Treatises was the first important exposition of the code of behavior which expressed the English Calvinist, or, more broadly speaking, the Puritan conception of the spiritual and moral life. As such it inaugurated a literature the extent and influence of which in all departments of life can hardly be exaggerated.” [52]

The Father Of Puritan Casuistry

William Perkins (1558-1602), the renowned preacher at Great St. Andrew’s Church, Cambridge, often called “the father of Puritanism,” was the first to bring Puritan casuistry to “some form of method and art.” Thomas Merrill notes that Perkins’s casuistry is important “because it set a pattern for all later work in Protestant moral divinity.” [53] Though a theologian, Perkins ministered to common people effectively, including prisoners on death row. [54]

Perkins wrote two treatises on “cases of conscience,” titled A Discourse of Conscience (1596), and The Whole Treatise of Cases of Conscience (1606). [55] The first treatise is more theoretical in its description of conscience. [56] Ian Breward summarizes, “A good conscience was a jewel beyond price, because it gave men the assurance of election which enabled them to rejoice in affliction, and to be bold before God and men whatever the outward circumstances. A bad conscience, on the other hand, was in insupportable burden which brought gnawing terror about Judgment which could only be assuaged by the blood of Christ.” [57]

The second treatise provides Bible-based guidance for areas of ethical uncertainty, called cases of conscience. These included personal questions such as how you can know whether or not you are saved. [58] Or, as Merrill notes, they could be social questions like “the right use of money, truth and falsehood, the right use of leisure, the Christian attitude toward war, vows and promises, proper dress, the lawfulness of recreation, policy and prudence.” [59]

By the time of his death, Perkins had become the principle architect of the Puritan movement. In the decades immediately after his death, Perkins’s writings in England outsold those of Calvin, Heinrich Bullinger (1504-1575), and Theodore Beza (1519-1605) combined. He “moulded the piety of a whole nation,” H. C. Porter says. [60]

The Flowering Of Puritan Casuistry

The disciples of Perkins published numerous books on Puritan casuistry. William Gouge (1575-1653) wrote The Whole Armour of God (1616), Of Domestical Duties (1622), and many other titles winning him the title of being “a sweet comforter of troubled consciences.” [61] William Whately (1583-1639), another beneficiary of Perkins’s pulpit ministry, wrote several books on practical divinity. [62] Baxter highly recommended Whately’s Ten Commandments (1622). [63]

Robert Bolton (1572-1631) wrote Instructions for Comforting Afflicted Consciences (1626), one of the best Puritan works on consoling the afflicted believer in every aspect of the inner life—mind, heart, conscience, memory, and will. [64] Bolton also published General Directions for a Comfortable Walking with God (1626), which he first wrote as a guide for himself. [65] J. I. Packer says of these two books by Bolton, “Richard Baxter went over all this ground a generation later in much greater detail, and with a greater power of thought, but Bolton yields nothing to Baxter in experimental warmth and depth, and sometimes surpasses him.” [66]

Perkins’s most famous disciple was William Ames (1576-1633), who wrote Conscience, with the Power and Cases Thereof (first published in Latin, 1630; in English, 1639). [67] Samuel Morison, a Harvard historian, describes this important manual of Puritan casuistry as “one of the most valuable sources of Puritan morality.” [68] It went through nearly twenty printings in less than thirty years. Ames’s Conscience, with the Power and Cases Thereof is an expanded commentary of sorts on Book 2 of his most famous work, The Marrow of Theology. [69] Baxter said Perkins did valuable service in promoting Reformed casuistry, but “Ames hath exceeded all.” [70]

A book that helped popularize the Puritan understanding of conscience for the layperson was William Fenner’s (1600-1640) The Souls Looking-Glasse, lively representing its Estate before God: With a Treatise of Conscience (1643). “The bond of conscience is the law of God,” he said. God’s law binds our consciences to Himself and His Word even more than we are bound to governmental leaders and other kinds of human authority. [71] The Scriptures and sacraments form the primary bond of conscience. [72] Human authorities such as a husband, a father, a school teacher, a parent, a magistrate, or an employer form a secondary bond of conscience only insofar as they are authorized by God and His law. [73]

The Fullness Of Puritan Casuistry

By the late 1640s, Puritan casuistry was considered such an integral part of ministry that the Westminster Assembly of Divines required a ministerial candidate to be examined in his “skill in the sense and meaning of such places of the Scripture as shall be proposed unto him in cases of conscience.” [74] In the mid-seventeenth century, volumes of casuistry poured off the press, ranging from disputes over Episcopal church government [75] to questions about regeneration. [76]

One of the most significant Puritan casuistry writers in the 1650s was Thomas Brooks (1608-1680), rector of St. Margaret’s, New Fish Street Hill, London, the first church that burned to the ground in the Great Fire of London (1666). Tim Keller provides this helpful summary of Brooks’s treatise, Precious Remedies Against Satan’s Devices (1653):
Brooks discusses twelve types of temptation, eight varieties of discouragement, eight kinds of depression, and four classes of spiritual pride! Brooks’ “temptation” sections are addressed to anyone struggling with besetting patterns of sin, particularly to those fighting addictions…. The “discouragement” section applies to persons who suffer from ‘burnout’ as well as anxiety, grief, and disappointment…. The “depression” section largely deals with persons whose despair arises from guilt and from a “low self-image.” The Puritans called this condition “accusation,” in which the conscience and the devil attack the person over his failures and sins…. Finally, the section on “pride” deals with several forms of this great sin. It brings out cases of materialism, of power-lust, of intellectual arrogance, of love of ignorance and crudeness, of bitterness, and of jealousy. [77]
In 1659, Samuel Clarke, a Puritan minister and writer, produced three treatises titled The Medulla Theologiae, Golden Apples, and Several cases of Conscience Concerning Astrologie. The first book was one of the largest collections of cases of conscience at that time, yet was only a fraction of what Clarke intended to write before he died. [78] The Cripplegate Morning Exercises also began in 1659. These were early morning sermons delivered by well-known Puritan preachers on various cases of conscience, with titles such as: “How May We Experience in Ourselves, and Evidence to Others, that Serious Godliness is more than a Fancy?” and “What Are the Best Preservatives Against Melancholy and Overmuch Sorrow?” These sermons have recently been republished as the first four volumes in Puritan Sermons, 1659-1689. [79]

In 1664, when Richard Baxter was in forced retirement by the Act of Uniformity, he began writing his Christian Directory. In this comprehensive survey of practical divinity, Baxter gives directions for ordering one’s life before God, performing duties in family relationships, fulfilling responsibilities within the life of the church, and living uprightly with neighbors and public officials. No Puritan work on applied theology has surpassed this treatise; it is one of the most practical and helpful biblical counseling manuals ever written. Though this volume of one million words was too large to become a popular work, it towered over every other work of its kind for the remainder of the century, and in many ways, is still very useful today.

This is but a sampling of the many Puritan works of casuistry in the 1640s to the 1670s. [80]

The Fading Of Puritan Casuistry

Puritan casuistry faded during the last two decades of the seventeenth century. Though occasional divines such as Isaac Watts (1674-1748) and Jonathan Edwards (1703-1758) continued to write on casuistry into the eighteenth century, they were the exceptions that prove the rule. [81] Interestingly, Watts titled his 1731 book, An Humble Attempt toward the Revival of Practical Religion among Christians, indicating the widespread loss of casuistical divinity. [82] Clifford attributes this loss, at least in part, to “the rise of Deism, the struggle with Socinianism and Arminianism and the attacks of Hobbes and Locke on the validity of the idea of conscience, [which] all worked together to create an intellectual and religious atmosphere that was uncongenial to [its] cultivation and further development.” [83] During the Great Awakening of the early 1740s, there was a major revival of practical divinity, particularly through men such as Theodore Frelinghuysen (1691-1747) and George Whitefield (1714-1770), but that too faded away. The form and method of Puritan casuistry was never fully revived. However, the principles of counseling the soul based on biblical directives continue to be practiced by pastors and biblical counselors today, who find the casuistic writings of the Puritans to be rich sources of guidance even in the twenty-first century.

Conclusion: The Courage Of A Good Conscience

By its very nature, conscience must be active. The Puritans aimed to understand the proper role of the conscience and to cultivate it through biblical instruction. They believed that a good conscience does not promote legalism nor carelessness about sin. Rather, peace of conscience strengthens a man’s moral backbone and makes him as bold as a lion. Richard Sibbes said, “We can do nothing well without joy, and a good conscience, which is the ground of joy.” [84] A good conscience was “heaven on earth” because it assured them of eternal bliss.

Another reason why they so cherished their consciences is the power conscience has over present happiness and motivation. As a people often under persecution from the authorities, the Puritans found in conscience a power to stand for the convictions they received from the Bible in the face of harassment, banishment, and death. A sense of divine approval gave them joy in their trials. In the words of Vincent,
A good conscience steels a man’s heart with courage, and makes him fearless before his enemies. Paul earnestly beheld the council. He was not afraid to face them, because his conscience was clear. Nay, we read that Felix the judge trembled, while Paul the prisoner was confident. The reason was, because the judge had a bad conscience…but the prisoner being acquitted by a good conscience, did not tremble but rejoiced at the thoughts of judgment to come. [85]
Notes
  1. Roland H. Bainton, Here I Stand: A Life of Martin Luther (New York: Abingdon-Cokesbury Press, 1950), 185. This paper was read at the Sixteenth Century Studies Conference in Dallas, Texas, on October 29, 2011. This article is expanded in Joel R. Beeke and Mark Jones, A Puritan Theology: Doctrine for Life (Grand Rapids: Reformation Heritage Books, 2012).
  2. For Calvin on conscience, see John Calvin, Institutes of the Christian Religion, ed. John T. McNeill, trans. Ford Lewis Battles (Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1960), 3.19.15. Cf. David Foxgrover, “John Calvin’s Understanding of Conscience” (PhD dissertation, Claremont, 1978).
  3. The Complete Works of Richard Sibbes, ed. Alexander B. Grosart (1862-1864; reprint, Edinburgh: Banner of Truth Trust, 2001), 7:490.
  4. William Perkins, A Discourse of Conscience (London, 1596).
  5. William Ames, Conscience, with the Power and Cases Thereof (London, 1639).
  6. William Fenner, The Souls Looking-Glasse (Cambridge: Roger Daniel, for John Rothwell, 1643).
  7. Nathanael Vincent, Heaven upon Earth (London: for Thomas Parkhurst, 1676).
  8. Norman Keith Clifford, “Casuistical Divinity in English Puritanism During the Seventeenth Century: Its Origins, Development and Significance” (PhD diss., University of London, 1957), 149.
  9. Vincent, Heaven upon Earth, 5-17.
  10. Vincent, Heaven upon Earth, 17-18.
  11. Vincent, Heaven upon Earth, 21. See also Fenner, The Souls Looking-Glasse, 23.
  12. Samuel Ward, “Balm from Gilead to Recover Conscience,” in Sermons and Treatises (1636; reprint, Edinburgh: Banner of Truth Trust, 1996), 97. See Gary Brady, “A Study of Ideas of the Conscience in Puritan Writings, 1590-1640” (ThM thesis, Westminster Theological Seminary, 2006), 46. See also Sibbes, Works, 3:208; Samuel Rutherford, A Free Disputation Against Pretended Liberty of Conscience: Tending to Resolve Doubts (London: R. I. for Andrew Crook, 1649), 1-22.
  13. Ames, Conscience, 1. See James I. Packer, A Quest for Godliness: The Puritan Vision of the Christian Life (Wheaton, Ill.: Crossway, 1990), 111.
  14. Packer says that Ames’s definition comes from Aquinas (Quest for Godliness, 109). Ames had a copy of the works of Thomas Aquinas in his library (Keith L. Sprunger, “The Learned Doctor Ames” [PhD diss., University of Illinois, 1963], 206). Vincent quoted Aquinas’s definition of conscience as the application of our knowledge to our actions to testify regarding our past actions, to judge and bind regarding possible future actions (Vincent, Heaven on Earth, 30; citing Thomas Aquinas, Summa Theologica, Part I, Q. 79, Art. 13). Most Puritans taught that the seat of the conscience is rooted in the reasonable soul or the understanding, in harmony with the Dominican and Thomistic tradition; a minority placed the seat of the conscience in the will, in accord with the Franciscan tradition. A few, such as Richard Baxter, refused to take sides (The Practical Works of the Rev. Richard Baxter, ed. William Orme [London: James Duncan, 1830], 6:96-97). Practically speaking, this variance of views made no substantial difference (Clifford, “Casuistical Divinity,” 149-56; cf. Thomas Wood, English Casuistical Divinity During the Seventeenth Century, With Special Reference to Jeremy Taylor [London: S.P.C.K., 1952], 67-69).
  15. Brian Davies, The Thought of Thomas Aquinas (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1992), 235-37. Syllogistic reasoning as a method dates back to Aristotle (384-322 B.C.). “A syllogism is a discourse in which, certain things being stated, something other than what is stated follows of necessity from their being so. I mean by the last phrase that they produce the consequence, and by this, that no further term is required from without in order to make the consequence necessary.” Aristotle, Analytica Priora, trans. A. J. Jenkinson, 1.1, quoted by Brady, 64, and available online at: http://ebooks.adelaide.edu.au/a/aristotle/ (accessed October 17, 2011).
  16. Ames, Conscience, 3.
  17. Ames, Conscience, 3.
  18. The Works of David Clarkson (1864; reprint, Edinburgh: Banner of Truth Trust, 1988), 2:475; The Works of George Swinnock (1868; reprint, Edinburgh: Banner of Truth Trust, 1992), 5:64; Fenner, The Souls Looking-Glasse, 33; Immanuel Bourne, The Anatomie of Conscience (London, 1623), 9; William Gurnall, The Christian in Complete Armour, 2 vols. in one (1864; reprint, Edinburgh: Banner of Truth, 2002), 1:522; The Works of Robert Harris (London: James Flesher for John Bartlet, 1654), 2:18.
  19. Daniel Webber, “The Puritan Pastor as Counsellor,” in The Office and Work of the Minister, Westminster Conference 1986 (London: Westminster Conference, 1987), 84. For the Puritans on sin, see Jeremiah Burroughs, The Evil of Evils (1654; reprint, Morgan, Pa.: Soli Deo Gloria, 1995); Ralph Venning, The Plague of Plagues (1669; reprint, London: Banner of Truth Trust, 1965); Thomas Watson, The Mischief of Sin (1671; reprint, Morgan, Pa.: Soli Deo Gloria, 1994); Samuel Bolton, “Sin: the Greatest Evil,” in Puritans on Conversion (Pittsburgh: Soli Deo Gloria, 1990), 1-69. The most powerful Puritan work on the dread condition of original sin is Thomas Goodwin, “An Unregenerate Man’s Guiltiness Before God in Respect of Sin and Punishment,” vol. 10 of The Works of Thomas Goodwin (1865; reprint, Eureka, Calif.: Tanski, 1996). The classic doctrinal Puritan work on the subject is Jonathan Edwards, Original Sin, vol. 3 of The Works of Jonathan Edwards (1758; New Haven: Yale, 1970). The best secondary source on the Edwardsean view is C. Samuel Storms, Tragedy in Eden: Original Sin in the Theology of Jonathan Edwards (Lanham, Md.: University Press of America, 1985). Thomas Boston’s classic, Human Nature in Its Fourfold State (1720; reprint, London: Banner of Truth Trust, 1964), focuses on the four states of innocence, depravity, grace, and glory, but his section on imputed and inherited depravity is especially poignant. He details how Adam’s original sin broke man’s relationship with God as well as each of the Ten Commandments.
  20. Fenner, The Souls Looking-Glasse, 124.
  21. Fenner, The Souls Looking-Glasse, 125-26. See also Thomas Fuller, The Holy and Profane States (Boston: Little, Brown, and Co., 1865), 102; Thomas Fuller, The Cause and Cvre of a VVovnded Conscience (London: G. D. for John Williams, 1649), 28; The Works of John Flavel (1820; reprint, Edinburgh: Banner of Truth Trust, 1997), 5:455.
  22. John Trapp, A Commentary on the Old and New Testaments, ed. Hugh Martin (London: Richard D. Dickinson, 1868), 3:39 [on Prov. 10:22].
  23. Richard Bernard, Christian See to Thy Conscience (London: Felix Kyngston, 1631), 246. See also Vincent, Heaven Upon Earth, 63.
  24. Bernard, Christian See to Thy Conscience, 246. See Clifford, “Casuistical Divinity,” 163-67.
  25. Samuel Annesley, “How May We Be Universally and Exactly Conscientious?” in Puritan Sermons, 1659-1689 (1661; reprint, Wheaton: Richard Owen Roberts, 1981), 1:14.
  26. Calvin, Institutes, 3.2.24. Cf. Foxgrover, “Calvin’s Understanding of Conscience”; Joel R. Beeke, The Quest for Full Assurance: The Legacy of Calvin and His Successors (Edinburgh: Banner of Truth, 1999), 59-63, 84-87.
  27. Annesley, “How May We Be Universally and Exactly Conscientious?” in Puritan Sermons, 1:13.
  28. Annesley, “How May We Be Universally and Exactly Conscientious?” in Puritan Sermons, 1:8-9.
  29. Fenner, The Souls Looking-Glasse, 70.
  30. The Workes of that Famous and VVorthy Minister of Christ in the Vniuersitie of Cambridge, Mr. William Perkins (London: John Legatt, 1612), 1:550.
  31. Packer, Quest for Godliness, 48.
  32. Westminster Confession of Faith (Glasgow: Free Presbyterian Publications, 1994), 380.
  33. Baxter, Works, 2:336. See Swinnock, Works, 5:64.
  34. Vincent, Heaven on Earth, 277.
  35. Gurnall, The Christian in Complete Armour, 1:534.
  36. Perkins, Works, 1:547. See Gurnall, The Christian in Complete Armour, 1:525; Fenner, The Souls Looking-Glasse, 134; and also Beeke, The Quest for Full Assurance, 131-42, 259-62.
  37. Thomas Watson, Heaven Taken by Storm, ed. Joel R. Beeke (Soli Deo Gloria, 1992), 30.
  38. Thomas Watson, The Ten Commandments (1692; reprint, Edinburgh: Banner of Truth, 2000), 230-36.
  39. The word “casuistry” is pronounced with the accent on the first syllable like “casual,” thus KA-zhoo-iss-tree.
  40. Elliott Rose, Cases of Conscience: Alternatives Open to Recusants and Puritans Under Elizabeth I and James I (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1975), 71.
  41. Thomas C. Merrill, ed., William Perkins, 1558–1602: English Puritanist—His Pioneer Works on Casuistry: “A Discourse of Conscience” and “The Whole Treatise of Cases of Conscience” (Nieuwkoop: B. De Graaf, 1966), x.
  42. On the Reformation roots of Puritan practical divinity, see Norman Keith Clifford, “Casuistical Divinity in English Puritanism During the Seventeenth Century: Its Origins, Development and Significance” (PhD dissertation, University of London, 1957), 1-3, 41-98, 314-18; Ian Breward, “The Life and Thought of William Perkins” (PhD dissertation, University of Manchester, 1963), 236-77; Martin Bucer, Concerning the True Care of Souls, trans. Peter Beale (German 1538; English trans. Edinburgh: Banner of Truth Trust, 2009); John Calvin, Institutes of the Christian Religion, ed. John T. McNeill, trans. Ford Lewis Battles (Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1960), 2.4.12; Jules Bonnet, ed., Letters of John Calvin, 4 vols. (Philadelphia: Presbyterian Board of Publication, 1858); John Calvin: Writings on Pastoral Piety, ed. Elsie A. McKee (New York: Paulist Press, 2001), 291-332.
  43. Secondary-source studies on Puritan casuistry include William Whewell, Lectures on the History of Moral Philosophy in England (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1852); H. Hensley Henson, Studies in English Religion in the Seventeenth Century (New York: E. P. Dutton, 1903); Kenneth E. Kirk, Conscience and Its Problems: An Introduction to Casuistry (1927; reprint, Louisville: Westminster John Knox Press, 1999); Louis B. Wright, “William Perkins: Elizabethan Apostle of Practical Divinity,” Huntington Library Quarterly 3 (1940):171-96; John T. McNeill, “Casuistry in the Puritan Age,” Religion in Life 12, 1 (Winter, 1942-43):76-89; H. R. McAdoo, The Structure of Caroline Moral Theology (London: Longman’s Green and Co., 1949); Thomas Wood, English Casuistical Divinity During the Seventeenth Century, With Special Reference to Jeremy Taylor (London: S.P.C.K., 1952); George L. Mosse, “Puritan Political Thought and the ‘Cases of Conscience,’” Church History 23 (1954):109-18; idem, “The Assimilation of Machiavelli in English Thought: The Casuistry of William Perkins and William Ames,” Huntington Library Quarterly 17, no. 4 (1954):315-26; Clifford, “Casuistical Divinity in English Puritanism During the Seventeenth Century”); George L. Mosse, The Holy Pretence (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1957); Breward, “The Life and Thought of William Perkins”; Rose, Cases of Conscience; P. H. Lewis, “The Puritan Casuistry of Prayer—Some Cases of Conscience Resolved,” in The Good Fight of Faith, Westminster Conference papers, 1971 (London: Evangelical Press, 1972), 5-22; Peter Lewis, The Genius of Puritanism (1975; reprint, Grand Rapids: Soli Deo Gloria, 2009), 63-136; Daniel Webber, “The Puritan Pastor as Counsellor,” in The Office and Work of the Minister, Westminster Conference papers, 1986 (London: Westminster Conference, 1987), 77-95; Timothy Keller, “Puritan Resources for Biblical Counseling,” Journal of Pastoral Practice 9, no. 3 (1988):11-44, http://www.ccef.org/puritan-resources-biblical-counseling (accessed June 25, 2011); Margaret Sampson, “Laxity and Liberty in seventeenth-Century English Political Thought,” in Edmund Leites, ed., Conscience and Casuistry in Early Modern Europe (Cambridge: University Press, 1988), 159-84; James I. Packer, “The Puritan Conscience,” in A Quest for Godliness: The Puritan Vision of the Christian Life (Wheaton, Ill.: Crossway, 1990), 107-122; Michael Schuldiner, Gifts and Works: The Post-Conversion Paradigm and Spiritual Controversy in Seventeenth-Century Massachusetts (Macon, Ga.: Mercer University Press, 1991); Keith Thomas, “Cases of Conscience in Seventeenth-Century England,” in John Morrill, Paul Slack, and Daniel Woolf, eds., Public Duty and Private Conscience in Seventeenth-Century England: Essays Presented to G. E. Aylmer (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1993), 29-56; Ken Sarles, “The English Puritans: A Historical Paradigm of Biblical Counseling,” in Introduction to Biblical Counseling: A Basic Guide to the Principles and Practice of Counseling, John F. MacArthur, Jr., Wayne A. Mack, et al. (Dallas: Word, 1994), 21-43; Edward G. Andrew, Conscience and Its Critics: Protestant Conscience, Enlightenment Reason, and Modern Subjectivity (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2001); Theodore Dwight Bozeman, The Precisianist Strain: Disciplinary Religion & Antinomian Backlash in Puritanism to 1638 (Chapel Hill, N.C.: University of North Carolina Press, 2004), 121-44; Gary Brady, “A Study of Ideas of the Conscience in Puritan Writings, 1590-1640” (ThM thesis, Westminster Theological Seminary, 2006). Of these sources, I am most indebted to Breward’s and Clifford’s dissertations and Packer’s article, upon which I have leaned heavily. 
  44. For examples of cases of conscience, see Clifford, “Casuistical Divinity,” 4-7.
  45. Ibid., 7.
  46. Thomas Fuller, Church History of Britain, ed. J. S. Brewer, 3rd ed. (1648; reprint, London: William Tegg, 1845), 5:192-93.
  47. Rylands English Manuscript 524, republished in ‘Practical Divinity’: The Works and Life of Revd Richard Greenham, ed. Kenneth L. Parker and Eric J. Carlson (Brookfield, Vermont: Ashgate, 1998), 129-259. (Originally published in 1599, five years after Greenham’s death, in his Works.) Cf. Bozeman, The Precisianist Strain, 71.
  48. Clifford, “Casuistical Divinity,” 9.
  49. The full title is Seven Treatises, Containing Such Direction as Is Gathered Out of Holie Scripture, Leading and Guiding to True Happiness, Both in this Life, and in the Life to Come: and May Be Called the Practise of Christianitie: Profitable for Such as Desire the Same: in which more Particularly True Christians Learne How to Lead a Godly and Comfortable Life Every Day (London: Felix Kyngston for Thomas Man, 1604). This book was reprinted five times in the seventeenth century, but never since.
  50. Stephen Egerton, unpaginated preface to Seven Treatises.
  51. Rogers, Seven Treatises, passim.
  52. William Haller, The Rise of Puritanism (New York: Columbia University Press, 1938), 36. Two other pioneers in Puritan practical divinity were Arthur Dent (1553-1607), rector of South Shoebury, Essex, and author of The Plain Man’s Pathway to Heaven, and Henry Smith (1560-1591), who was called the “silver-tongued preacher” of his generation.
  53. Merrill, ed., William Perkins, 1558–1602: English Puritanist—His Pioneer Works on Casuistry, xx.
  54. Samuel Clarke, The Marrow of Ecclesiastical History, 3rd ed. (London, 1675), 416-17.
  55. Republished in Merrill, ed., William Perkins, 1558–1602: English Puritanist—His Pioneer Works on Casuistry.
  56. Mosse, The Holy Pretence, 49.
  57. Breward, “Life and Theology of Perkins,” 235.
  58. Merrill, ed., William Perkins, 1558–1602: English Puritanist—His Pioneer Works on Casuistry, 101.
  59. Merrill, ed., William Perkins, 1558–1602, xx.
  60. H. C. Porter, Reformation and Reaction in Tudor Cambridge (London: Cambridge University Press, 1958), 260. Cf. Ian Breward, “William Perkins and the Origins of Puritan Casuistry,” in Faith and a Good Conscience, Puritan conference papers, 1962 (1963; Stoke-on-Trent, U.K.: Tentmaker, n.d.), 14-17. For the views of Perkins and Ames on liberty of conscience, see L. John Van Til, Liberty of Conscience, The History of a Puritan Idea (Nutley, N.J.: Craig Press, 1972), 11-25, 43-51. For a negative assessment of Perkins’s treatises on conscience, see Rose, Cases of Conscience, 187-94.
  61. Samuel Clarke, A Collection of the Lives of Ten Eminent Divines (London, 1662), 114.
  62. Thomas Fuller, Abel Redevivus (1651; reprint, London: William Tegg, 1867), 593.
  63. Richard Baxter, The Practical Works of Richard Baxter (London: James Duncan, 1830), 5:587.
  64. Robert Bolton, Instructions for Comforting Afflicted Consciences (1626; reprint, Morgan, Pa.: Soli Deo Gloria, 1991). On Bolton’s effectiveness as a pastor and evangelist, see Edward Bagshawe, The Life and Death of Mr. Bolton (London, 1635), 19-20.
  65. Robert Bolton, General Directions for a Comfortable Walking with God (1626; reprint, Morgan, Pa.: Soli Deo Gloria, 1995).
  66. J. I. Packer, ”Robert Bolton,” in The Encyclopedia of Christianity, ed. Gary Cohen (Marshallton, Del.: The National Foundation for Christian Education, 1968), 2:131.
  67. William Ames, Conscience With the Power and Cases Thereof (1639; reprint, Norwood, N.J.: Walter J. Johnson, 1975), 1.1. For a basic introduction to Ames and his most famous work, see Joel R. Beeke and Jan Van Vliet, “The Marrow of Theology by William Ames (1576-1633),” in The Devoted Life: An Invitation to the Puritan Classics, ed. Kelly M. Kapic and Randall C. Gleason (Downers Grove, Ill.: InterVarsity, 2004), 52-65. For more on Ames as a Puritan casuist, see Mosse, The Holy Pretence, 68-87.
  68. Samuel Eliot Morison, “Those Misunderstood Puritans,” http://www.revisionisthistory.org/puritan1.html (accessed August 4, 2011).
  69. William Ames, The Marrow of Theology, trans. John D. Eusden (Grand Rapids: Baker Books, 1968), 70.
  70. Baxter, Works, 2:viii.
  71. Fenner, The Souls Looking-Glasse, 175-206.
  72. Fenner, The Souls Looking-Glasse, 209, 210.
  73. Fenner, The Souls Looking-Glasse, 196-99.
  74. A Directory for the Publique Worship of God (London, 1651), 76. For an example of such an examination, see M. H. Lee, The Diaries and Letters of Philip Henry (London: Kegan Paul, Trench & Co., 1887), 36.
  75. Clifford, “Casuistical Divinity,” 28.
  76. David Dickson’s Therapeutica Sacra was first published in English in 1664, and last reprinted in Select Practical Writings of David Dickson, vol. 1 (Edinburgh: Printed for the Assembly’s Committee, 1845). The English subtitle was The Method of Healing the Diseases of the Conscience Concerning Regeneration. On Dickson’s use of the covenant as a scheme for casuistry, see Clifford, “Casuistical Divinity,” 27-28. Other relevant works of this period include William Twisse, Doubting Conscience Resolved (1652), John Dury, A Case of Conscience: whether it be lawful to admit Jews into a Christian commonwealth (1654); Samuel Hartlib, The Earnest Breathings of Foreign Protestants, Divines, and others (1658). On Dury and Hartlib’s efforts to build an international unity among Reformed divines through practical divinity, see Gunnar Westin, Negotiations about Church Unity, 1628-1634 (Uppsala: A.-B. Lundequistska, 1932); Karl Brauer, Die Unionstdtigkeit John Duries unter dem Protektorat Cromwells (Marburg, 1907).
  77. Keller, “Puritan Resources for Biblical Counseling,” 3.
  78. Clifford, “Casuistical Divinity,” 33-34; Samuel Clarke, “Autobiography,” in his Lives of Sundry Eminent Persons in this Later Age (London, 1683), 3-11.
  79. Puritan Sermons, 1659-1689 (Wheaton, Ill.: Richard Owen Roberts, 1981). This is a six-volume reprint, but volume 5 is a compilation of Puritan systematic theology and volume 6 is a polemical volume countering Roman Catholicism (see Beeke and Pederson, Meet the Puritans, 637-39).
  80. There are scores of additional Puritan books of casuistry that we don’t have space to enlarge upon here. For example, there are Thomas Fuller, The Cause and Cvre of a VVovnded Conscience (London: G. D. for John Williams, 1649); James Durham, Heaven upon Earth in the Sure Tranquility and Quiet Composure of a Good Conscience; Sprinkled with the Blood of Jesus, ed. John Carstairs (Edinburgh: A. Anderson, 1685). Consider also Joseph Alleine’s (1634-1668) Cases Satisfactorily Resolved (1672) and Nathanael Vincent’s Heaven upon Earth: or, a Discourse Concerning Conscience (1676).
  81. See especially the application sections in Edwards’s sermons.
  82. Isaac Watts, An Humble Attempt toward the Revival of Practical Religion among Christians (London, 1731).
  83. Clifford, “Casuistical Divinity,” 40.
  84. Sibbes, Works, 3:223.
  85. Vincent, Heaven on Earth, 306.