By Gerald R. McDermott
[Gerald R. McDermott is the Anglican Chair of Divinity, Samford University, Beeson Divinity School, Birmingham, Alabama.]
[This is the fourth article in the four-part series “A Typological View of Reality,” delivered as the W. H. Griffith Thomas lectures at Dallas Theological Seminary, February 7–10, 2017. The ideas presented in these lectures have been adapted and expanded in Everyday Glory: The Revelation of God in All of Reality (Grand Rapids: Baker Academic, 2018).]
When Paul was in Athens talking to Greek philosophers, he said that one of their poets got it right when he wrote, “In him we live and move and have our being” (Acts 17:28). In other words, not only is God in history, as every Christian can and indeed must say. But history is in God! Nothing therefore is outside God, as if anything could happen without his holding it in existence nanosecond by nanosecond. After all, Paul wrote elsewhere that “in [Messiah] all things hold together [συνέστηκεν]” (Col 1:18). Therefore not only is popular deism—the idea that history proceeds without God’s intervention—absurd for a biblical Christian, but even the common Christian conception that God moves major actors in history with everything else thereby pulled along—falls far short of Paul’s claim. Types in history, then, are the patterns we can recognize amidst the mostly unrecognizable ways in which everything is in God and mysteriously directed by him—if not directly by impulse then indirectly by permission.
That’s the first thing that has to be said about types in history. They are recognizable patterns in human affairs that point toward their Trinitarian author, and they are thereby divine direction for that purpose, among others. Scripture tells us that God made known his acts to his people Israel, but his ways to Moses (Ps 103:7). Moses apparently learned God’s ways through the patterns or types revealed in his acts, informed by his words.
The second thing that should be added about history in general before we consider types in history is that it is at once directed and fragile. By fragile I mean that nothing in history per se determines inexorably its future direction. It could go in any one of a variety of ways, with long-term consequences for the whole world. The great Cambridge University historian Herbert Butterfield wrote in his magisterial Christianity and History (1949) of the “unspeakable liquidity” of history. “Indeed, if Mr. Churchill had been ill or had lost heart in 1940[,] the mind must reel before the multitude of alternative courses that the world might have taken.”[1] Hitler might have won, we would all be speaking German, and I would be afraid of saying something that might offend our new Führer. So while we will see that history is full of types that point toward the end of history, their presence does not mean we can predict the intermediate future. Christ will win in the end, and the types point to that eventual victory, but our Lord has not told us of the twists and turns that will take place before the End.
But he has told us, according to Jonathan Edwards, some of the patterns in those twists and turns, and those patterns are types. One of the most significant is the pattern of revivals directing the biggest twists and turns. Religious revivals and reformations are the engine of the historical drama, driving its sudden turns and, to some degree, its later twists. Edwards points to major junctures in Israel’s history as examples of this pattern or type. Covenant renewals, for example, under David, Hezekiah, and Josiah were religious revivals that forever changed the history of redemption. The rise of the church in the first century was an enormous revival that eventually conquered the Roman Empire. Constantine’s conversion was the leading edge of another revival in the fourth century that shaped medieval Europe. The Reformation was still another revival, and it was the principal historical movement that gave shape to modern Europe.[2] We can then use this Edwardsean approach to history to argue, with some historians, that the Great Awakening was an American revival that helped precipitate the American Revolution. Many historians would also agree that the Civil War would not have occurred without the revival of the Second Great Awakening and the abolitionist movement that the Awakening spawned. Hence the last two millennia bear witness to what can be called the historical type of revival producing revolutions of various sorts. This is a historical type pointing back to a biblical pattern of God’s ways with his human creatures.
The National Covenant
I have been declaring that these patterns are types in history, without actually arguing for the validity of such a phenomenon. So I will now try to make my declaration—my claim—more plausible by discussing the national covenant. This is a long tradition going back to the early church—and the whole Bible, I would argue—that teaches that God deals with whole societies, not just individuals. Although most Christians have believed this for most of the last two thousand years, and it is hard to deny if you pay serious attention to the Bible, it has been a minority view since the Enlightenment and especially in this last century. Theologians, particularly since the 1960s, have tended to regard it as presumptuous and inevitably leading to idolatry of the nation. This way of thinking was heightened after the Vietnam War, which most intellectuals thought was a terrible mistake. They wondered where the idea came from that saw the United States as a “redeemer nation” whose mission it was to bring its political salvation (the American form of democracy) to the rest of the world.[3] Historians and theologians laid the blame at the feet of the Puritans, who came to the New World on what Perry Miller called an “errand into the wilderness.” They came, he argued, for the purpose of reforming England and then the world by being a “city on a hill” whose light would shine far and wide, transforming those who beheld its glory.[4]
Is it true that God deals with whole societies? He certainly dealt with the nation of Israel as a whole, promising rewards for its obedience to the covenant and punishments for unfaithfulness (Lev 26; Deut 28). Edwards argued that God deals with other societies as well. He quoted Proverbs 14:34: “Righteousness exalts a nation, but sin is a reproach to any people.” Look, he preached, at how God treated the whole world in Noah’s day as a society that deserved punishment by a flood. Look at Sodom and Gomorrah destroyed for their wickedness, Egypt punished by plagues, and Canaan, whose tribes were defeated and ousted because of their egregious sins.
Edwards told his congregation—the largest outside Boston, in an 18th-century megachurch of 1,000 souls—that in droughts and plagues and earthquakes God was chastising New England for its failures to live up to its national covenant.[5] According to this tradition, the national covenant had to do with this life only, not the next (which was administered by the covenant of grace). God is more strict in punishing a wicked nation in this world than a wicked person. After all, it is clear that wicked persons often prosper in this world. But nations as nations are punished only in this world. Often God endures their wickedness for a long time. But it is a biblical pattern, Edwards insisted, that when wickedness becomes open, unashamed, and pervasive, and when that nation’s leadership endorses and defends perversity, then that nation is close to destruction.
God first warns the nation of impending doom in a variety of ways. One is to permit other nations to threaten an attack of some kind. Edwards said this happened when various nations arrayed themselves against Judah in the first century before Rome finally destroyed Jerusalem in AD 70. Another is to bring lesser judgments before a great judgment. According to Edwards, this happened when Pharaoh was warned of his coming doom by the ten plagues. A third warning was judgment on a neighbor, as when the captivity of the ten northern tribes in 721 BC was a warning to the southern tribes, who were captured a little more than a century later. Fourth, God sends messengers to warn, as he sent Noah, Jonah, and other prophets. A fifth kind of warning was God’s sending a revival, such as the revivals under Josiah and Hezekiah before final destruction in 586 BC. Other revivals as warnings came under Jonah to Nineveh and under Jesus and the apostles before the fall of the city (Nineveh and then Jerusalem) just decades later.[6]
Note the counterintuitive motif: revivals can be a sign of looming judgment. They can actually increase a nation’s guilt if they do not bring repentance and reformation.
All of these patterns are historical types. That is, they are words in events, sent by God, to point to future events in biblical and postbiblical history.
Recent Thinking On National Covenant [7]
We have heard from Edwards on historical types. But have more recent theologians seen types in history? The short answer is that even during the last century a minority of theologians and philosophers have argued that God’s providence can be seen in a society and in ways that undermine national self-righteousness.
Robert Bellah, for instance, asked, “What Christians call the Old Testament is precisely the religious interpretation of the history of Israel. Is it so clear that American analogizing from the Old (or New) Testament is necessarily religiously illegitimate? Why should the history of a people living two or three thousand years ago be religiously meaningful but the history of a people living in the last two or three hundred years be religiously meaningless?”[8]
Philosopher Leroy S. Rouner argues, similarly, that America has historical significance and suggests that this “fact is largely lost at present because the left has fallen out of love with its homeland, and the right has celebrated it for mostly wrong reasons.”[9] The great Lutheran theologian Wolfhart Pannenberg thought that the notion of national covenant had often accurately described the fortunes of a people relative to other peoples: “It would be unfair to belittle the obvious element of truth in this sense of historical destiny. The English revolution [for example] did indeed pioneer the political emancipation in the Western world.” Pannenberg added that the idea of a national covenant has explanatory power. The destruction of Germany in World War II, for instance, “may have been” a judgment on Germany’s persecution and attempted annihilation of the Jewish people.[10]
H. Richard Niebuhr interpreted historical contingencies from a similar perspective. He suggested that the rise of Marxism was a judgment on the injustices and class-interests of “Christian” communities, and interpreted dust storms on the American prairies in the 1930s as “signs of man’s sinful exploitation of the soil.”[11] Niebuhr’s explanation of these interpretations by his doctrine of responsibility was remarkably analogous to Edwards’s doctrines of divine sovereignty and national covenant. In all actions impinging upon the self, Niebuhr contended, God is acting. The responsible self must therefore respond to all actions so as to respond to God’s action. The same interpretation must be given to the events happening to a community.
At the critical junctures in the history of Israel and of the early Christian community the decisive question men raised was not “What is the goal?” nor yet “What is the Law?” but “What is happening?” and then “What is the fitting response to what is happening?” When an Isaiah counsels his people, he does not remind them of the law they are required to obey nor yet of the goal toward which they are directed but calls to their attention the intentions of God present in hiddenness in the actions of Israel’s enemies. The question he and his peers raise in every critical moment is about the interpretation of what is going on, whether what is happening be, immediately considered, a drought or the invasion of a foreign army, or the fall of a great empire.[12]
Pannenberg said this idea of national covenant, which sees types in history pointing to God’s ways with whole societies, undermines any potential idolatry by placing a nation under the judgment of God: “Christian theology should consider such a pledge [to a national covenant] to be of positive value, because it renders the policies of a nation accountable to the will of God as expressed in the Bible and places the nation under the judgment of God. . . . It [the nation] makes itself accountable to the terms of God’s covenant.”[13]
Such accountability, Panennberg suggested, enables those with spiritual eyes to see a range of types. One is the pattern of pervasive secularism and later judgment. This is the biblical motif of God’s withdrawal of his manifest presence from a society that has rejected him: “When God seems absent not only from the world but from the hearts of human beings, this does not indicate, as a superficial evaluation would suggest, that perhaps he died. Rather, it foretells impending judgment over a world that alienated itself from the source of life.”[14]
Another biblical pattern that is a recurring type in history is war as divine judgment. For an earlier “public theologian” who believed in the national covenant and used it to find this type in American history, I turn to Abraham Lincoln, who referred to America as “the almost chosen people” and “the last, best hope of earth.” In terms not unlike Edwards’s invocation of the national covenant, Lincoln proclaimed in an 1863 announcement of a general fast,
We have been the recipients of the choicest bounties of Heaven. We have been preserved, these many years, in peace and prosperity. We have grown in numbers, wealth and power, as no other nation has ever grown. But we have forgotten God.
We have forgotten the gracious hand which preserved us in peace, and multiplied, enriched and strengthened us; and we have vainly imagined, in the deceitfulness of our hearts, that all these blessings were produced by some superior wisdom and virtue of our own. Intoxicated with unbroken success, we have become too self-sufficient to feel the necessity of redeeming and preserving grace, too proud to pray to the God that made us! It behooves us then, to humble ourselves before the offended Power, to confess our national sins, and to pray for clemency and forgiveness.[15]
Like Edwards, Lincoln believed that God punishes a people corporately for its corporate sins. Lincoln applied this paradigm to the Civil War and concluded that it was just such a punishment.
And, insomuch as we know that, by His divine law, nations like individuals are subjected to punishments and chastisements in this world, may we not justly fear that the awful calamity of civil war, which now desolates the land, may be but a punishment, inflicted upon us, for our presumptuous sins, to the needful end of our national reformation as a whole People?[16]
Two years later, in his oft-quoted second inaugural address, Lincoln again referred to the war as a judgment of God.
If God will that it [the Civil War] continue, until all the wealth piled by the bond-man’s two hundred and fifty years of unrequited toil shall be sunk, and until every drop of blood drawn with the lash, shall be paid by another drawn with the sword, as was said three thousand years ago, so still it must be said “the judgments of the Lord, are true and righteous altogether.”[17]
What Are Some Historical Types?
In his Cambridge lectures Butterfield identified some other discernible types in history. The first I would call mediation in judgment. God uses wicked nations to judge other wicked nations. God used wicked nations such as the Philistines, Assyrians, and Babylonians to judge sinful Israel repeatedly. The lesson from that type is humility. Just as we would never call those nations righteous because they were God’s servants in judgment, so too British and Americans should not have concluded after World War II that they were righteous because God used them to destroy the wickedness of Nazism and Japanese imperialism.
Judgment is sometimes remedial. That is another historical type. The exile in Babylon seems to have cured Israel of overt idolatry. So not every judgment renders its object null and void. The fall of Rome “releas[ed] Europe for a new phase of human experience,” which one might say brought a measure of good out of a corrupted empire.18 Germany’s radical departure from Nazism after its destruction and surrender in 1945 allowed for a postwar boom that continues to this day. While there was no extensive turn to God, there was a genuine national humility and lamentation of the nation’s behavior in the preceding decade and before.
But Germany’s destruction might represent yet another historical type, that of the sins of the fathers being visited on the third and fourth and succeeding generations. Butterfield traces the genesis of Nazism to Frederick the Great’s pursuit of militarism as a national ideal for eighteenth-century Prussia and Bismarck’s unification of Germany into a powerful European state. But he says the day of punishment was postponed for several generations because both Frederick and Bismarck “called a halt to a career of conquest, precisely because they had a curious awareness of the importance of the moral element in history.”[19] In the latter stages of their lives, they sought to maintain the peace of Europe.
Hitler had no such goal and committed the greatest historical sin, thinking himself to be a god. On this sort of leader, who worships the work of his own hands and says that the strength of his own right arm gave him the victory, “judgment in history falls heaviest.”[20] For “such a man by aping providence blasphemes God, and brings more rapid tragedy on the world and on himself, than the people who give half their lives to wine, women and song.”[21] This is the most reliable type in history, that of the leader or people who in pride think they can displace the Deity.
But Germany’s destruction was not inevitable. If the German people had regarded their disastrous defeat in 1918 and the ruinous reparations imposed by the Versailles Treaty as God’s judgments and had sought to discover what they had done to offend heaven, then good could have come from evil.22 Redemption could have emerged from judgment. This is another type, the type of redemption through repentance and faith, that appeared in a limited and secular way after 1945.
The most interesting historical types involve Israel in post-biblical history. The first is that of the remnant. The prophets, and then Paul, distinguished between larger Israel and remnant Israel. Only the two southern tribes survived invasion and exile. Empires have come and gone, and many of them have killed Jews in the thousands and the millions. But while the Assyrians and the Babylonians and the Romans and Nazis tried to destroy Israel, all of those empires were destroyed instead—and Israel alone remains. A Jewish remnant has always survived, with its culture, language, and religion intact. Every remnant that emerged after successive incarnations of Amalekites arose to exterminate them was a type of the holy remnant that is to come, Jesus’s “little flock” that will join Gentiles with a purified Israel in the new heaven and new earth.
Even more intriguing is the type of vicarious suffering. We know that Isaiah’s suffering Servant is a man who will suffer for the sins of God’s people. But Isaiah also speaks of all Israel as the Servant: “You, Israel, my servant” (41:8), “my servant Jacob, and Israel my chosen” (45:4), “The Lord has redeemed his servant Jacob” (48:20), “You are my servant, Israel, in whom I will be glorified” (49:3). Butterfield proposes that this is a new kind of vicarious suffering. Israel suffers not because God is judging her at the hands of her persecutors, but because she is actually better than her persecutors and has a mission. She suffers as God’s messenger “in order to expiate the sins of the Gentiles; she took their guilt and punishment upon herself, and accepted the consequences of their sins.”[23]
If this is true—and I should add that I do not regard this as dogma—it need not conflict with traditional Christian Christology and soteriology. If Christ is the embodiment of his church, then he is also the embodiment of faithful Israel. And what faithful Israel suffers, Christ suffers, just as Paul identifies his own suffering with the Messiah’s afflictions in Colossians 1:24, and just as Jesus said that when the church was persecuted so was he. Hence it should be no surprise that while Christ’s suffering in his passion was a fully sufficient sacrifice, the suffering of his ongoing body on earth—faithful Israel, both Gentile and Jew—is also his. This is why the risen Jesus told Paul that when he was persecuting the church he was really persecuting Jesus. Therefore, if Jesus’s suffering was vicarious for the sake of his body, all later vicarious suffering by his body points back to his suffering and participates in it, just as Paul said his suffering participated in the Messiah’s afflictions by somehow “making up what was lacking” in them (Col 1:24). So if Paul’s suffering somehow participates in the Messiah’s suffering, which expiates the sins of the Gentiles, and if the Messiah as suffering Servant is the embodiment of faithful Israel as suffering servant, then perhaps there is a mysterious way in which faithful Israel’s sufferings participate in the Messiah’s redemption of the Gentiles.
Martin Luther King Jr. did not believe, as far as I know, in an ontological connection between the suffering of his civil rights workers and the suffering of Jesus in his passion. But he taught the power of vicarious suffering. When the editor of the Christian Century urged him in 1960 to describe his own sufferings, King wrote,
I have known very few quiet days in the last few years. I have been arrested five times and 1960 [sic] put in Alabama jails. My home has been bombed twice. A day seldom passes that my family and I are not the recipients of threats of death. I have been the victim of a near fatal stabbing. So in a real sense I have been battered by the storms of persecution. I must admit that at times I have felt that I could no longer bear such a heavy burden, and have been tempted to retreat to a more quiet and serene life.[24]
King was reluctant to detail his own sufferings because he didn’t want to develop a martyr complex or make others think he was seeking sympathy. But he said these trials taught him “the value of unmerited suffering.” They led him to think that suffering could bring transformation to himself and healing to “the people involved in the tragic situation.” He became convinced “that unearned suffering is redemptive.”[25] King was pointing to a profound historical type of vicarious suffering that benefits others, pointing back to and perhaps even ontologically connected to the antitype, Jesus’s redemptive suffering in his life and death.
The last historical type in Butterfield’s masterful account is the most pervasive throughout history and perhaps the most powerful: the secret piety of the unnumbered billions of faithful Christians who have lived lives of beautiful faith by virtue of their union with their Lord. This is a type because it can be seen in history—at least to those who come close to these living saints—and it points to its antitype, Jesus the Jewish Messiah. The infinite varieties of faithful experience point in typological fashion to the infinite aspects of the Trinitarian God, the God of Israel. They are types in history pointing to—and teaching about—the living Triune God. As Butterfield puts it, these were the lights “that never went out” throughout the millennia of God’s church on earth. Through the darkest periods of heresy and schism priests and ministers were preaching the gospel week in and week out, “constantly reminding the farmer and the shopkeeper of charity and humility, persuading them to think for a moment about the great issues of life, and inducing them to confess their sins.”[26] In every age the Lamb who takes away the sins of the world became known to millions if not more. In this way the church never failed to produce new historical types.
Discerning The Types
How then are we to discern? To know the difference between authentic types that God has placed in history and our imagined types that we ascribe naively to God?
First of all, we should always recall that just as Jesus was often not recognized as Messiah when he was present in the flesh, so today his footprints in the world—let’s say for now that historical types are just that—usually go unrecognized. Not only are they hidden from the eyes of the natural man, as Paul insists in 1 Corinthians 1 and 2, but even the regenerate often miss them.
Second, we should recognize that history is not only horizontal but also vertical. Because we distinguish Christian philosophy of history, which focuses on the linear, from ancient and eastern philosophies that tend toward the cyclical and circular, we can become too focused on the telos. We imbibe the nominalist fallacy that history is simply a linear temporal continuum without ongoing participation in God’s active providence. This is not only a metaphysical mistake but also a failure to apply biblical theology to our philosophy of history. After all, Scripture says that we can “share Messiah’s suffering” (1 Pet 4:13) so that we can now “partake in the glory that is to be revealed” (5:1) and now “become partakers of the divine nature” (2 Pet 1:4).[27]
Another way of putting this is to see with Butterfield that every generation is equidistant from eternity.[28] Every instant is eschatological.[29] In that sense the purpose of life is not the future but the present, to participate in eternal life now. And one way of doing that is to see the types all around us, in nature and history, especially history as present. History then is not so much a train traveling toward a destination—although of course in one sense it is—but it is more like a symphony whose every part is to be enjoyed, not just the ending.[30] The architecture of the whole work, as Butterfield put it, can be experienced in every part of the work, or in our case every moment of history.
For yet another analogy, think of the Chesapeake Bay Bridge-Tunnel. This amazing feat of engineering goes for 23 miles, and so do you. Once on it, you cannot stop without getting hit from behind and thus withdrawing permanently from linear history. There are no exits or off-ramps until the end. That is how many Christians think of history: it will have no final meaning or clarity until its end, and types are manmade and therefore unreliable at best, idolatrous at worst.
But imagine, if you can, the old Route 66 that was finished in 1926 and carried travelers for 2, 400 miles from Chicago to California. Drivers could stop almost wherever they wanted to enjoy the land or scenery, and they did. This is like history as we should imagine it, not merely linear but also participatory. It stops at every point to look up and around into eternity. Types are real and all along the way.
But to get back to the question that opened this last section, how do we discern the true types?
Two final rules. The first is the rule of written revelation. The types need to be suggested or authorized by God’s written revelation in Scripture, just as God through words showed Moses his ways (Ps 103:7). My previous lectures have elaborated a bit on what that means.
Second, it is always safer to recognize judgment on our own ideas and works than on others. And if we do venture the latter, we should beware of unwitting self-righteousness. For example, if we say the looming defeat of ISIS is a type of God’s judgment of pride and blasphemy pointing to the final judgment, we must not presume that we are inherently better than members of ISIS. There is no doubt that the Christian faith (distinct from my apprehension of that faith) is infinitely superior to that of Islam, but my appropriation of that faith was a gift of God to this poor sinner. Right now my ideas are hopefully better than those of the ISIS fighter, and thankfully my inner character has been shaped to a degree by a Jewish stonemason. But I am what I am by the grace of God. And when I think of that ISIS soldier, I must remind myself that “there but for the grace of God go I.”
Notes
- Herbert Butterfield, Christianity and History (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1949), 111.
- See Jonathan Edwards, Typological Writings, ed. Wallace E. Anderson and Mason Lowance Jr., vol. 11 in The Works of Jonathan Edwards (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1993), 9. This and the other citations in this lecture are from Edwards’s notebook “Images of Divine Things.” This and other volumes in the Yale edition will be cited as follows: WJE 11:9.
- Ernest Tuveson, Redeemer Nation (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1980). For the national covenant tradition and its decline, see Gerald McDermott, One Holy and Happy Society (University Park: Penn State Press, 1992), 11–36.
- Perry Miller, Errand into the Wilderness (1956; repr., Cambridge, MA: Belknap, 2000).
- McDermott, One Holy and Happy Society, 11–36.
- Ibid., 29–34.
- This section adapts parts of my “Jonathan Edwards and the National Covenant: Was He Right?,” in TheLegacy of Jonathan Edwards: American Religion and the Evangelical Tradition, ed. D. G. Hart et al. (Grand Rapids: Baker Academic, 2003), 147–57. Used by permission.
- Robert Bellah, “Civil Religion in America,” in The Religious Situation in 1968, ed. Donald R. Cutler (Boston: Beacon, 1968), 391, emphasis added.
- Leroy S. Rouner, “To Be at Home: Civil Religion as Common Bond,” in Civil Religion and Political Theology, ed. Leroy S. Rouner (Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 1986), 137.
- Wolfhart Pannenberg, Human Nature, Election, and History (Philadelphia: Westminster, 1977), 79, 104.
- James Gustafson, “Introduction” to H. Richard Niebuhr, The Responsible Self: An Essay in Christian Moral Philosophy (New York: Harper, 1963), 34–35.
- Niebuhr, The Responsible Self, 67.
- Pannenberg, Human Nature, 81, 97. Interestingly, two recent American Lutheran ethicists also interpreted national crises as visitations of divine “wrath.” Robert Benne and Philip Hefner, Defining America: A Christian Critique of the American Dream (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1974), 125–35.
- Pannenberg, Human Nature, 93.
- “Proclamation of a National Fast, March 30, 1863,” in Mark A. Noll and Roger Lundin, Voices from the Heart: Four Centuries of American Piety (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1987), 172.
- Ibid.
- Abraham Lincoln, “Second Inaugural Address” (1865), quoted in Mark A. Noll, One Nation under God? Christian Faith and Political Action in America (San Francisco: Harper and Row, 1988), 101.
- Butterfield, Christianity and History, 61.
- Ibid., 49.
- Ibid., 60.
- Ibid.
- Ibid., 50.
- Ibid., 84.
- Martin Luther King Jr., “Suffering and Faith,” Christian Century 77 (April 27, 1960): 510, accessed January 26, 2017, http://kingencyclopedia.stanford.edu/encyclo-pedia/documentsentry/suffering_and_faith.1.html.
- Ibid.
- Butterfield, Christianity and History, 131.
- See Matthew Levering, Participatory Biblical Exegesis: A Theology of Biblical Interpretation (Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 2008), 1–7.
- Butterfield, Christianity and History, 66.
- Ibid., 121.
- Ibid., 67.