Thursday, 26 June 2025

Paul’s View of Abraham’s Faith: Genesis 22:18 in Galatians 3

By Jared M. August

[Jared M. August is associate professor of New Testament and Greek, Northeastern Baptist College, Bennington, Vermont.]

Abstract

In Galatians 3:8 and 16, Paul cites promises made to Abraham—but which promises? Syntax and theme suggest that Paul cited Genesis 22:18 in Galatians 3:8 and 16 to remind his readers of the centrality of the hope of a coming eschatological individual. According to Galatians, Abraham’s faith had the same object as Paul’s: the Christ.

Introduction

The apostle Paul devotes significant discussion to the relationship between Christ’s coming and the promises first given in Genesis. Specifically, in Galatians 3:6, 8, and 16, Paul considers the implications of Abraham’s faith for the lives of believers in Galatia.[1] In Galatians 3:6, Paul cites Genesis 15:6 and demonstrates the similarity of Abraham’s faith with that of his readers. However, there have been numerous proposals regarding from where in Genesis the citations in Galatians 3:8 and 16 were taken. It is widely accepted that Galatians 3:8 combines Genesis 12:3 and 18:18 and that Galatians 3:16 is taken from Genesis 13:15 and 17:8. This article, however, proposes that both Galatians 3:8 and 16 cite Genesis 22:18.[2] Since the Hebrew of Genesis 22:17b–18 refers to a single Offspring, Paul’s interpretation in Galatians 3:16 reflects a contextual hermeneutic.

Abraham’s faith in Genesis 15:6 is faith in the Lord’s future victory through the promised singular Offspring of Genesis 3:15. This concept of Abraham’s faith helps explain Paul’s emphasis on the singularity of the Offspring promised to Abraham (Gal 3:16). Paul’s goal in Galatians 3:6, 8, and 16 is to demonstrate the unity of faith held by all believers in God’s promised Offspring, God’s promised Christ.

Abraham’s Faith In Genesis

The book of Genesis presents Abraham as an individual who lived by faith in the promises of God.[3] While Abraham was still in Haran, the Lord called him to leave his country and family and follow the Lord’s guiding (12:1–3). In faith, Abraham went forth and journeyed to a land unknown (12:4). Throughout the following chapters, Abraham’s faith is developed in various ways. He trusts the Lord’s provision of land (13:14–15), safety (14:14), riches (14:22–23), circumcision (17:22–27), a child (21:1–7), and a sacrifice (22:10–14). Perhaps the central statement concerning Abraham’s confidence in the Lord is found in 15:6, “And he believed the Lord, and he counted it to him as righteousness.”[4] Yet although this verse is cited in three New Testament letters (Rom 4:3, 9; Gal 3:6; and Jas 2:23), there is little unanimity regarding the content of Abraham’s faith.

Popular suggestions for what Abraham believed include general faith in God,[5] faith in God’s promise of many descendants,[6] and faith in a single eschatological individual.[7] The primary issue is whether Abraham’s faith is connected to Genesis 1–11. Unfortunately, many scholars reject this possibility and allege that salvation history began with Abraham.[8] Even when Genesis 1–11 is accepted as historically accurate, Abraham is still often the first individual examined in salvation-historical discussions.[9]

However, recent work on the structure of Genesis[10] has proposed that this book is a unified document that narrates the expectation of the victory of the Lord’s promised Offspring.[11] This hope is first given in the so-called protoevangelium of Genesis 3:15 and subsequently traced through the book of Genesis.[12] Furthermore, the grammatical similarities between the promises of Genesis 3:15 and 22:18 highlight the unity of hope given first to Adam and Eve and subsequently to Abraham.[13] Both passages focus on the expectation of a single Offspring who will defeat his enemies and bring blessing to all the world.[14] In this view, Abraham’s faith was demonstrated in response to very specific promises given to prior generations and subsequently passed to Abraham in the genealogical line of promise.[15]

The passages of Genesis to which Paul alludes indicate a strong correspondence between Abraham’s expectation of a single eschatological Offspring and Paul’s newfound belief that Jesus was the promised Christ. Although it would certainly be anachronistic to refer to Abraham as a “Christian” or “believer in Messiah,” his faith was certainly in the same Offspring who would receive the title “Messiah.”

Paul’s Citation Of Genesis 22:18 In Galatians 3:8

Most commentators understand Paul’s citation in Galatians 3:8 as a paraphrase of Genesis 12:3 or a combination of 12:3 and 18:18. About Genesis 12:3, Hultgren asserts, “Paul quotes that passage in Gal 3:8 but alters it to read ‘in you shall all the nations/Gentiles (πάντα τὰ ἔθνη) be blessed.”[16] Wright agrees, “Paul quotes [Gen.] 12.3 in Gal. 3.8.”[17] Hansen focuses on 12:3, yet explains that the quotation is best understood as a combination citation: “The text which Paul quotes is an amalgamation of Gen. 12.3 and Gen. 18.18.”[18] Bruce goes further and argues that Galatians 3:8 “may be regarded as a midrashic interpretation of Gn. 12:3 and 18:18.”[19] His point is that Paul was more concerned with understanding the passages in view of Christ’s accomplishment than he was in understanding them in their original context.[20] However, Collins provides a more persuasive view—namely, that Paul’s citation is from Genesis 22:18.[21]

Collins examines each case “where the Hebrew ‘bless’ (ברך) is used in the niphal or hithpael . . . [and] the LXX has ἐνευλογέω in the future passive,” thereby narrowing the possible options to Genesis 12:3; 18:18; 22:18; 26:4; and 28:14.[22] In so doing, he focuses on the passages that match Paul’s use of ἐνευλογηθήσονται. Collins recognizes that Paul’s use of the preposition with the dative (ἐν σοί) matches Genesis 12:3 and 28:14, though the reference to “all nations” (πάντα τὰ ἔθνη) matches 18:18; 22:18; and 26:4. Of these five passages, one may eliminate 26:4 (promise given to Isaac) and 28:14 (promise given to Jacob), as Paul’s focus is on a promise given “to Abraham” (Gal 3:8). The three options that remain are Genesis 12:3; 18:18; and 22:18. Below, these three options are compared with Galatians 3:8:

Genesis 12:3

ἐνευλογηθήσονται ἐν σοὶ πᾶσαι αἱ φυλαὶ τῆς γῆς

Genesis 18:18

ἐνευλογηθήσονται ἐν αὐτῷ πάντα τὰ ἔθνη τῆς γῆς

Genesis 22:18

ἐνευλογηθήσονται ἐν τῷ σπέρματί σου πάντα τὰ ἔθνη τῆς γῆς

Galatians 3:8

ἐνευλογηθήσονται ἐν σοὶ πάντα τὰ ἔθνη

None of the three match Paul’s citation point for point. Though it is possible that Paul offered a combination quotation, as has often been suggested, two qualifications need to be made. First, the phrase ἐν αὐτῷ of 18:18 refers to Abraham, as does ἐν σοί of 12:3 (and Gal 3:8). Second, the phrase ἐν τῷ σπέρματί σου of 22:18 refers primarily to Abraham’s offspring, yet implicitly includes Abraham (the one through whom the offspring will come). Therefore, as with 18:18, the intent of the phrase in 22:18 is virtually identical to ἐν σοί of 12:3 (and Gal 3:8); through Abraham, blessing will come to all nations.[23] That Paul cites the phrase πάντα τὰ ἔθνη (18:18; 22:18) in Galatians 3:8 rather than πᾶσαι αἱ φυλαὶ τῆς γῆς (12:3) is strong evidence that either Genesis 18:18 or 22:18 fits the context of Paul’s argument better than 12:3.

The question remains, then, whether 18:18 or 22:18 fits better as the primary text to which Paul alludes in Galatians 3:8. In the broader context of Galatians 3, Paul makes several subtle—though important—connections to Genesis 22:17–18. First, Paul alludes to the faithfulness of Abraham in Galatians 3:9. In this verse, Paul recognizes that the blessing to the Gentiles was promised as a result of Abraham’s faith: “those who are of faith are blessed along with Abraham, the man of faith (τῷ πιστῷ Ἀβραάμ)” (3:9).[24] This conceptually links back to the climactic demonstration of Abraham’s faith in the near sacrifice of his son Isaac in Genesis 22:1–19.[25] In this passage, the Lord announces that “all nations/Gentiles” (πάντα τὰ ἔθνη) will be blessed because Abraham “obeyed my voice” (Gen 22:18). That is, due to Abraham’s faith—as demonstrated by extreme obedience—the Lord confirms the promise of future blessing to all nations/Gentiles through Abraham’s offspring. Paul picks up this very theme: the nations/Gentiles (τὰ ἔθνη) are blessed by Abraham’s Offspring because of Abraham’s faith (Gal 3:9).

Paul’s Citation Of Genesis 22:18 In Galatians 3:16

An additional link between Genesis 22:18 and Galatians 3:8 appears in Paul’s citation in Galatians 3:16. In Galatians 3:16, Paul states, “Now the promises were made to Abraham and to his offspring. It does not say, ‘And to offsprings,’ referring to many, but referring to one, ‘And to your offspring,’ who is Christ.” Discussions about Paul’s use of the Old Testament in this verse center around Paul’s understanding of the term σπέρμα.[26] Since this term is often considered a “collective singular,”[27] yet Paul makes the point that its fulfillment is found in a single individual, the argument goes that Paul could not have been using a contextually sensitive hermeneutic. For example, Ellis argues that Paul’s interpretation “does not involve a question of grammatical accuracy but of theological interpretation.”[28] Ellis is so confident that the Genesis passages could not have referred to a single individual offspring that he alleges that if Paul had argued thus, his argument would have been “baseless caprice” that “out–rabbis the rabbis.”[29] Similarly, Hansen proposes ten parallels between the midrashic exegesis of the rabbis and Galatians 3.[30] He asserts that Galatians 3:16 is an example of “atomistic exegesis,” where Paul follows the “rabbinic method of occasionally treating the generic singular as a specific singular.”[31] However, the present article proposes that in Galatians 3:16, Paul cited Genesis 22:18, just as he had in Galatians 3:8.[32]

There is much evidence to commend this view. First of all, the blessing to “the Gentiles” (τὰ ἔθνη) of Galatians 3:14 connects back to Galatians 3:8 and reinforces the focus on universal blessing that was promised in Genesis 22:18. Second, and perhaps more importantly, Paul’s entire argument rests on the singular nature of the term “offspring” (זֶרַע or LXX σπέρμα). As Paul states, the Scripture is not “referring to many, but referring to one” (Gal 3:16). This focus on the singular nature of the Offspring is consistent with Paul’s argument in 2:15–4:7. Paul focused throughout this section on the individual Jesus Christ (2:16, 20), who redeems and brings the blessing of Abraham to the Gentiles (3:13, 14), providing the promise to those who believe (3:22, 26), and who was born of woman at the “fullness of time” (4:4–5).

Although the term “offspring” (זֶרַע or LXX σπέρμα) by itself could refer to either a collective group (e.g. Abraham’s many descendants) or a single individual (e.g. Isaac), the author of Genesis was able to mark his intent through his use of pronouns.[33] Given Paul’s focus on the grammatical distinction between a plural and a singular subject, he appears to be keenly aware of the singular pronoun in Genesis 22:17b–18.[34] Furthermore, Paul’s entire argument in Galatians 3 rests on the expectation and hope of a single Offspring.

Arguing against this view, Schreiner claims that seeing Genesis 22:18 in Galatians 3:16 “does not seem convincing.”[35] Instead, Schreiner accepts the standard view that Paul “appeals to Gen 13:15 and 17:8 here, not to Gen 22:17–18.”[36] He bases his argument on the presence of the conjunction “and” (καί) in Galatians 3:16, Genesis 13:15, and 17:8, and its absence in Genesis 22:18. He calls this “a stubborn piece of evidence that calls into question Collins’s interpretation.”[37] The following possibilities are compared below:

Genesis 13:15

καὶ τῷ σπέρματί σου

Genesis 17:8

καὶ τῷ σπέρματί σου

Genesis 22:18

καὶ ἐνευλογηθήσονται ἐν τῷ σπέρματί σου

Galatians 3:16

καὶ τῷ σπέρματί σου

Schreiner is correct that the exact word order of Genesis 13:15 and 17:18 appears in Galatians 3:16. However, Schreiner’s discussion is a bit misleading. He states, “The use of the word ‘and’ (καί) as part of the OT citation . . . is lacking in Gen 22:18.”[38] This is not true. Although the conjunction precedes the verb, the conjunction is still present in this clause, and each of the words cited by Paul in Galatians 3:16 is, in fact, in Genesis 22:18. Furthermore, it would have been unnecessary for Paul to repeat ἐνευλογηθήσονται in 3:16, as he had already quoted it in 3:8. If Paul sought to develop Genesis 22:18 in both Galatians 3:8 and 3:16, the text appears precisely as one might expect. Paul does not introduce a new passage in 3:16, but continues his discussion of the same verse cited in 3:8.

Additionally, Genesis 22:18 better fits Paul’s argument in Galatians. In the original context of Genesis, both 13:15 and 17:18 are land promises, while 22:18 is a universal blessing promise. Since Paul does not mention land promises in Galatians, it seems unlikely that he would cite a land promise passage.[39]

A comparison of Genesis 22:18 with Galatians 3:8 and 16 makes these things clear.[40]

Genesis 22:18

καὶ ἐνευλογηθήσονται ἐν τῷ σπέρματί σου πάντα τὰ ἔθνη τῆς γῆς

Galatians 3:8

ἐνευλογηθήσονται ἐν σοὶ πάντα τὰ ἔθνη

Galatians 3:16

καὶ τῷ σπέρματί σου

Further, Paul’s argument in 3:16 is entirely based on the singular interpretation of “offspring” (σπέρμα) in a promise concerning universal blessing. In referring specifically to the promise given to Abraham in Genesis 22:18, Paul reminds his readers that Abraham placed his faith in the promise of a single Offspring who would come through his line.

Paul’s Faith In Galatians

Genesis pictures Abraham as an individual who placed his faith in the promised eschatological Offspring of Genesis 3:15 (cf. Gen 22:17b–18).[41] Paul, in Galatians, pictures him the same way. In Galatians 3, Paul shows that Abraham was justified by faith (Gen 15:6; Gal 3:6). He then describes the Lord’s promise that all nations/Gentiles would be blessed through Abraham (Gen 22:18; Gal 3:8). Finally, Paul claims that true faith has always been in God’s promised Offspring (Gen 22:18; Gal 3:16). Paul cites only two passages from Genesis in the third chapter of Galatians: Genesis 15:6 and 22:18. Furthermore, Paul’s argument rests on the grammatical point that the “Offspring” promised to Abraham must be understood as a single individual (Gal 3:16).

By citing both Genesis 15:6 and 22:18, Paul reminds his readers that from the dawn of time, the faith that God counts as righteousness has always been in the promised eschatological Offspring. What Paul previously missed in his Jewish faith and what he so harshly critiques about the false teachers in Galatia is that they have forsaken the true object of faith—the Messiah, the Christ.

Notes

  1. Whether one accepts the North or South Galatian hypothesis has little relevance for this study. See F. F. Bruce, The Epistle to the Galatians, New International Greek Testament Commentary (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1982), 4–18; and Thomas R. Schreiner, Galatians, Zondervan Exegetical Commentary on the New Testament (Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 2010), 22–29.
  2. This view has been advocated most prominently by C. John Collins, “Galatians 3:16: What Kind of Exegete Was Paul?,” Tyndale Bulletin 54:1 (2003): 75–86. Collins built his argument on the conclusions of T. D. Alexander, “Further Observations on the Term ‘Seed’ in Genesis,” Tyndale Bulletin 48, no. 2 (1997): 363–67. This article considers several responses to Collins’s proposal and further discusses the implications of this view, especially related to an accurate understanding of Genesis 15:6 in Galatians 3:6.
  3. Following Paul’s example in Galatians, the patriarch is referred to as Abraham throughout this article, even though he was known as Abram up to Genesis 17:5.
  4. Allen P. Ross, Creation and Blessing: A Guide to the Study and Exposition of Genesis (Grand Rapids: Baker, 1996), proposes that “the writer did not intend this verb [“he believed”] to be understood as a result of the preceding section” (309). The author uses a waw conjunctive plus perfect, not a waw consecutive with preterite. Ross explains, “The narrator did not want to show sequence in the order of the verses; rather, he wished to make a break with the narrative in order to supply this information about the faith of Abram” (309).
  5. For a succinct summary of views, see Walter C. Kaiser Jr., “Is It the Case That Christ Is the Same Object of Faith in the Old Testament? (Genesis 15:1–6),” Journal of the Evangelical Theological Society 52, no. 2 (2012): 291–98. Kaiser critiques Ryrie, who he claims misjudges Abraham’s faith in Genesis 15:6. About this passage, Charles C. Ryrie states, “Abraham’s faith was in God, not in the contents of the Abrahamic Covenant” (The Grace of God [Chicago: Moody, 1963], 45). However, the distinction between faith in God and faith in God’s promises seems artificial. James D. G. Dunn raises the issue, “If Abraham provides a model for saving faith, then it is a faith which presumably can still be exercised in God, quite apart from Christ” (New Perspective on Paul, 2nd ed. [Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2008], 90).
  6. This view is advocated strongly by N. T. Wright, “Paul and the Patriarch: The Role of Abraham in Romans 4, ” Journal for the Study of the New Testament 35, no. 3 (March 2013): 207–41. Commenting on Genesis 15:6, Wright states, “This promise of an enormous, uncountable family is the promise which Abraham believes; and this in turn is the belief, the faith, of which the text says that God ‘reckoned it to him as righteousness’” (211). Similarly, see Richard B. Hays, The Conversion of the Imagination: Paul as Interpreter of Israel’s Scripture (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2005), 61–84. Additionally, John H. Walton states, “Abram’s belief has nothing to do with salvation and nothing to do with a faith system. He simply believed that, though he had no children and no hope of having any, God could make his offspring as numerous as the stars of the sky” (Genesis, NIV Application Commentary [Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 2001], 421). Arguing against this view (specifically against Wright), Jason S. DeRouchie and Jason C. Meyer conclude, “Wright does not appreciate enough Paul’s proper stress on the coming of Christ as Abraham’s ‘seed’ (v. 16) in order to enable Gentile individuals to be granted the same title (v. 29)” (“Christ or Family as the ‘Seed’ of Promise? An Evaluation of N. T. Wright on Galatians 3:16, ” Southern Baptist Journal of Theology 14, no. 3 [2010]: 36–48, 36).
  7. This is the view accepted in this study and will be demonstrated below. This view is most strongly advocated by Collins, “Galatians 3:16: What Kind of Exegete?,” 86. See also Bruce K. Waltke with Cathi J. Fredricks, who assert, “The subject is God and the object of reference is Abraham’s faith in the promised offspring. The expression means that God reckons Abraham’s faith in the promise as righteousness” (Genesis: A Commentary [Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 2001], 242).
  8. For example, N. T. Wright, Justification: God’s Plan and Paul’s Vision, rev. ed. (Downers Grove: IVP Academic, 2016), states, “The single plan began with the promises God made to Abraham” (202, emphasis original).
  9. For example, Thomas R. Schreiner begins his discussion of Paul’s understanding of “redemptive history” with an analysis of God’s promises given to Abraham (Paul Apostle of God’s Glory in Christ: A Pauline Theology [Downers Grove: IVP, 2011], 73.
  10. Jared M. August, “The Toledot Structure of Genesis: Hope of Promise,” Bibliotheca Sacra 174 (July–September 2017): 267–82; Matthew A. Thomas, These Are the Generations: Identity, Covenant, and the ‘Toledot’ Formula, Library of Hebrew Bible/Old Testament Studies 551 (New York: T&T Clark, 2011); Jason S. DeRouchie, “The Blessing-Commission, the Promised Offspring, and the Toledot Structure of Genesis,” Journal of the Evangelical Theological Society 56, no. 2 (2013): 219–47; Marten H. Woudstra, “The Toledot of the Book of Genesis and Their Redemptive-Historical Significance,” Calvin Theological Journal 5 (1970): 184–89.
  11. Jared M. August, “The Messianic Hope of Genesis: The Protoevangelium and Patriarchal Promises,” Themelios 42, no. 1 (April 2017): 46–62.
  12. August, “Toledot Structure,” 281.
  13. Jack Collins, “A Syntactical Note (Genesis 3:15): Is the Woman’s Seed Singular or Plural?,” Tyndale Bulletin 48 (1997): 139–48. See also August, “Messianic Hope.”
  14. Alexander, “Further Observations on the Term ‘Seed’ in Genesis,” 363–67.
  15. This is not to diminish the revolutionary nature of Abraham’s covenant and the specific promise the Lord gave him.
  16. Arland J. Hultgren, “The Scriptural Foundations for Paul’s Mission to the Gentiles,” in Paul and His Theology, ed. Stanley E. Porter (Boston: Brill, 2006), 29. Hultgren does mention in a footnote the similarity between Genesis 12:3 and 22:18 (29, n. 26). However, he still assumes that Paul quoted 12:3.
  17. Wright, “Paul and the Patriarch,” 210.
  18. G. Walter Hansen, Abraham in Galatians: Epistolary and Rhetorical Contexts, in Journal for the Study of the New Testament Supplement Series 29 (Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1989), 115. Hansen explains, “The phrase πάντα τὰ ἔθνη from Gen. 18.18 is inserted in place of the phrase πᾶσαιαἱφυλαί” (115). See also Dunn, New Perspective, 251; Richard B. Hays, The Faith of Jesus Christ: The Narrative Substructure of Galatians 3:1–4:11, 2nd ed. (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2002), 173–77, esp. 173.
  19. Bruce, Galatians, 156.
  20. Ibid.
  21. To a significant extent, this view has been neglected by modern scholarship. Collins admits that a few individuals (such as Billerbeck, Ellis, Longenecker, and Schoeps [82, n. 18]) have suggested that Genesis 22:18 was at least in Paul’s mind in Galatians 3:8, 16, though Collins alleges that they did so “without much argument” (“Galatians 3:16: What Kind of Exegete?,” 82).
  22. Ibid., 80.
  23. Genesis 12:3 and 18:18 both focus on Abraham and his role in the fulfillment of the promise, while 22:18 begins to shift the focus toward that of the coming generations. However, in no way does it remove Abraham’s key role.
  24. Bruce translates σὺν τῷ πιστῷ Ἀβραάμ in Galatians 3:9 as “with” Abraham or “by means of” Abraham (Galatians, 157).
  25. This point is made by Hays, Faith of Jesus Christ, 175–76. Although Hays argues that Genesis 12:3 and 18:18 are the primary verses quoted by Paul in Galatians 3:8, he recognizes the centrality of 22:18 in the overall Abrahamic account. About 22:18, Hays states, “Paul does not quote this text in 3:6–9, but . . . he surely has it in mind” (176).
  26. It is often suggested that Paul referred here to either Genesis 13:15 or 17:8. This view is accepted by Schreiner, Galatians, 228–30. Bruce does not take a strong stance, but he indicates that Paul alluded to the Genesis passage in general (Galatians, 171–72). Wright simply assumes that σπέρμα here refers to plural descendants. He translates Galatians 3:16, “The promises were made ‘to Abraham and his family.’ It doesn’t say ‘his families,’ as though referring to several, but indicates one: ‘and to your family’—which means the Messiah” (Justification, 97). Wright continues by asserting that in 3:16, Paul is not “imagining that the singular noun ‘seed’ must refer to a single individual (he knows perfectly well that that is not so, as Galatians 3:29 demonstrates), but that the Messiah is himself the one in whom God’s true people are summed up” (125). Jason S. DeRouchie claims that Paul primarily has Genesis 17:8 in view (“Counting Stars with Abraham and the Prophets: New Covenant Ecclesiology in OT Perspective,” Journal of the Evangelical Theological Society 58, no. 3 [2015]: 457). Furthermore, Dale Mark Wheeler rejects the possibility of an allusion to Genesis 22:18 with little evidence (“Paul’s Use of the Old Testament in Galatians 3:16” [PhD diss., Dallas Theological Seminary, 1988], 160–65).
  27. Most scholars appeal to the concept of “corporate solidarity.” For example, Schreiner states, “Paul probably has in mind the idea that Jesus is the corporate head of God’s people, just as Adam was the head of all humanity” (Paul Apostle of God’s Glory, 80). Similarly, Scot McKnight states that Paul’s interpretation is a “special form of interpretation . . . in which he sees in ‘seed’ a corporate solidarity’ in Christ” (Galatians, NIV Application Commentary [Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1995], 167). Burton asserts that this passage refers to Christ “not as an individual, but as the head of a spiritual race” (Ernest DeWitt Burton, A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the Epistle to the Galatians, International Critical Commentary [New York: Scribner’s, 1920], 182). Burton continues, “This is, of course, not the meaning of the original passage referred to (Gen. 13:15, or 17:7 or 8)” (182). See also Richard N. Longenecker, Galatians, Word Biblical Commentary (Dallas: Word, 1990), 130–32; Ronald Y. K. Fung, The Epistle to theGalatians, New International Commentary on the New Testament (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1988), 155–56; and Timothy George, Galatians, New American Commentary (Nashville: B&H, 1994), 246–48.
  28. E. Earle Ellis, Paul’s Use of the Old Testament (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1957), 73. He continues, “It is a collective and not a simple plural, and within the limits of the grammar [Paul] interprets it of Christ, or better, of that particular type of seed which is identified with and headed up in Christ” (73). Ellis argues that the only other options are that “Paul the Hebrew was entirely ignorant of the fact that the singular זרע was used continually in the Hebrew (and Greek) OT as a collective,” or that the apostle was “in the role of a charlatan fooling his audience with a bit of chicanery” (71).
  29. Ibid., 71.
  30. Hansen, Abraham in Galatians, 202–9.
  31. Ibid., 208. Hansen continues, “Thus, the term ‘seed’ has been redefined and circumscribed in a way that contrasts with rabbinic theology, but corresponds with rabbinic methodology” (208). This interpretation is “based on [Paul’s] understanding of the corporate solidarity of Christ and those who belong to Christ” (276, n. 65). Hansen follows the methodological approach of Richard N. Longenecker, Biblical Exegesis in the Apostolic Period (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1999), who states that Paul is “invoking a corporate solidarity of the promise to Abraham wherein the Messiah, as the true descendant of Abraham and the true representative of his people, and the Messiah’s elect ones, as sharers in his experiences and his benefits, are seen together as the legitimate inheritors of God’s promises” (107). See also James D. G. Dunn, The Theology of Paul the Apostle (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1998), 173; and Richard B. Hays, Echoes of Scripture in the Letters of Paul (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1989), 121.
  32. By connecting Paul’s argument in Galatians 3:8 to his assertion in 3:16, Collins demonstrates that Paul had a single verse in mind in both these passages. Collins states, “Galatians 3:16 may show us whether one member of the second set (18:18; 22:18; 26:4) is more in view than the others” (“Galatians 3:16: What Kind of Exegete?,” 81). However, others take a different approach. For example, DeRouchie and Meyer, “Christ or Family,” claim that Genesis 22:17–18 “most likely stands behind Paul’s recollection in Gal 3:8” (39), yet for Galatians 3:16, “the most likely candidate . . . is [Gen] 17:8” (38).
  33. When the author of Genesis wanted זֶרַע to be understood as a singular noun, he used singular pronouns (3:15; 21:13; 22:17b; and 24:60), and when he wanted it to be understood as a plural noun, he used plural pronouns (15:13; 17:7, 8, and 9). See Alexander, “Further Observations,” 363–67; and August, “Messianic Hope,” 46–62. Note the use of the singular pronoun in 22:17b, “his enemies” (אֹיבָיו). See Collins, “What Kind of Exegete?,” 85.
  34. Collins, “Galatians 3:16: What Kind of Exegete?,” notes: “Another connection between Gal. 3 and Gn. 22:17–18 is the presence of the verb κληρονομέωGn. 22:18 [sic; 22:17] . . . and the noun κληρονομία in Gal. 3:18” (84, n. 23). This grammatical link develops the expectation of what Abraham’s offspring would accomplish.
  35. Schreiner, Galatians, 230.
  36. Ibid.
  37. Ibid.
  38. Ibid.
  39. Collins, “Galatians 3:16: What Kind of Exegete?,” 82–83; Bruce, Galatians, 171–73.
  40. Connections between Genesis 22:18 and Galatians 3:8 are single underlined; connections between Genesis 22:18 and Galatians 3:16 are double underlined.
  41. DeRouchie and Meyer, “Christ or Family,” conclude that Genesis 3:15 is in Paul’s focus. In reference to various Old Testament messianic prophecies, DeRouchie and Meyer state, “The background of the promises in Genesis 3:15 and 22:17b–18 is unmistakable” (40). They view this progressive expectation (beginning in Genesis 3:15) as the basis for Paul’s discussion in Galatians 3, although they reject Genesis 22:18 as the background of Galatians 3:16 (38–39).

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More Thrilling to Be Saved Than to Succeed

‘How God Made Me Happy in Him’: John Piper’s Journey to Joy

Kingdoms In Conflict: Examining The Use Of “Kingdom Of Heaven” In Matthew

By Tim Miller [1]

Matthew is the only New Testament author to use the phrase “Kingdom of Heaven.” While the other gospels frequently reference the Kingdom of God, Kingdom of Heaven is uniquely Matthean. His extensive use of this phrase (thirty-two times) invites the question, What does Matthew mean by this Kingdom of Heaven?

Two main answers have been given to this question in modern church history. The first answer, given by the early dispensationalists (Scofield, Walvoord, Darby, Larkin, Chafer, Feinberg, and early Ryrie), argued for a denotative difference between Kingdom of God (KG) and Kingdom of Heaven (KH).[2] They believed that the KH could be distinguished from the KG. The other answer, given by nearly every non-dispensationalist and almost all later dispensationalists (Saucy, Toussaint, McLain, and later Ryrie), argued for a connotative difference between the phrases. They believed that Matthew used KH, not to indicate a difference between the two kingdoms, but to avoid using the divine name.

The purpose of this article is to argue that both of these answers are mistaken. Instead, Matthew used KH for a theological purpose, which had important implications for Matthew’s readers. To get to these implications, however, we will need to show why the two prevailing answers to why Matthew uses KH are fundamentally flawed. Next, we will develop Matthew’s theological purpose in using KH. Having laid this groundwork, we will then be able to show how applicable Matthew’s theme of the KH was to his audience.

Denotative Difference: 
Kingdom Of God Vs Kingdom Of Heaven

While denotative distinctions between the KG and the KH have been proposed elsewhere,[3] the distinction became widely known through the popular Scofield Reference Bible. Scofield noted five ways to distinguish between the KH and the KG.[4] The essential differences, however, can be summarized in two points. First, the KG only contains beings who willingly subject themselves to the rule of God—whether human or angelic. The KH, however, contains only earthly creatures who profess to be subject to God. Thus, the KH contains both believers and unbelievers, while the KG contains true believers. Second, the KG is eternal and spiritual in nature, while the KH is temporal[5] and physical in nature.[6]

While early dispensationalists used this distinction as a way to argue for their dispensational, premillennial position,[7] it is widely understood that maintaining a distinction between the phrases is not essential to dispensationalism.[8] Walvoord, while arguing for the distinction, noted that maintaining the difference “does not affect premillennialism as a whole nor dispensationalism; and the system of theology of those who make the terms identical can be almost precisely the same as that of those who distinguish the terms.”[9] In other words, one does not challenge dispensational theology when he denies that there is a denotative difference between the two phrases in the gospels. This is important to recognize, as some still maintain that this distinction is essential to dispensational thought.[10]

There are significant exegetical reasons to doubt the denotative distinction between KH and KG. While the limitation of space does not allow for an extended treatment,[11] I would like to indicate three central problems with the distinction. First, parallel passages show that Matthew’s use of KH matches the use of KG in the other gospel writers. Out of Matthew’s 32 uses of KH, 12 are within narratives which are also recorded in either Mark or Luke (and sometimes both).[12] In every parallel account, the other synoptic writer (Mark, Luke, or both) chose to use KG instead of KH. This would indicate that what Matthew called the KH, the other gospel writers identified as the KG. For example, in Jesus’ famous Sermon in Matthew 5-7, Matthew records that the poor in spirit will inherit the KH. Luke, citing the same sermon, records Jesus as saying that the poor will inherit the KG.[13]

The second exegetical reason to doubt the distinction between the KH and KG is based on the synonymous parallelism evident in Matthew 19:23-24. In verse 23 Jesus declared that it is hard for a rich man to enter the kingdom of heaven, and in verse 24 he declared that the rich man could not enter the kingdom of God. Here Matthew mentions both the KH and the KG, connecting them with “again I say to you,” signaling a repetition of the same idea.[14] If there is a distinction between the two kingdoms, it is difficult to imagine why Matthew does not explicitly express this distinction. Indeed, it appears that the proponent of the distinction has to bear the burden of proving that Matthew makes a clear distinction.[15]

The text just referenced provides the third textual reason to avoid making a distinction between the KH and the KG. Jesus argues that it is difficult for a rich man to enter into the KH. But if the KH is merely the realm of Christian profession (and not necessarily true possession), it does not appear that entrance into this kingdom would be as difficult as Jesus claims. Further, Jesus in Matthew 7:21 maintains that “Not everyone who says to Me, ‘Lord, Lord,’ will enter the kingdom of heaven, but he who does the will of My Father who is in heaven will enter,” but saying “Lord, Lord” without a submissive heart attitude appears to be the very definition of mere profession![16]

These three exegetical insights should cause great caution to those who would propose a denotative distinction between the KG and the KH.[17] Combining these insights with the following facts indicates that we should look elsewhere for an explanation of Matthew’s use of KH: (1) no other author in Scripture argues for a distinct KG, (2) Matthew sometimes uses Kingdom without delineating to which (KG or KH) he is referring, and (3) Matthew never explicitly expresses a distinction between the two phrases even though he uses both KG and KH.

Connotative Difference: 
Kingdom Of Heaven As Circumlocution

That Matthew used KH in order to avoid using the divine name is the nearly unanimous view of modern Matthean scholarship.[18] It is widely accepted that the Hebrews avoided using God’s name to avoid breaking the third of the Ten Commandments. Rather than using God’s name, the Jews would practice circumlocution, which derives from the Latin circum and locutio meaning “to speak around.” In sum, the Jews would substitute another word or phrase for the divine name in order to avoid accidently breaking the divine law.

Circumlocution appears to be found in the Jewish intertestamental literature[19] and may also be evident in Scripture. For instance Mark 14:61 appears to use circumlocution for the divine name when the High priest asks Jesus, “Are you the Christ, the Son of the Blessed One?” Luke 15:18 comes closer to Matthew’s use when the prodigal, in rehearsing his repentance speech, says, “I will arise and go to my father, and will say unto him, Father, I have sinned against heaven, and before thee.” Daniel 4:26 likewise indicates that Daniel, in his speech to Nebuchadnezzar, refers to heaven when clearly referencing God. These latter two texts give evidence that, at least at times, Jewish custom allowed for heaven to be substituted for the divine name. If so, could Matthew’s use of KH align with this reverence for the divine name?

Jonathan Pennington argues strongly against the circumlocution view: “The history of the reverential circumlocution idea [in Matthew] is an example of an unsubstantiated suggestion becoming an unquestioned assumption through the magic of publication, repetition, and elapsed time.”[20] Nearly all literature related to the circumlocution view in Matthew traces back to the seminal work of Gustaf Dalman.[21] However, Pennington shows that there are substantial reasons to doubt the validity of Dalman’s conclusions.[22] If so, the entire foundation of the circumlocution view is shaken and another explanation for Matthew’s use of KH should be sought.[23] Regardless of whether the faulty view can be traced back to Dalman, there are two clear reasons within the Gospel of Matthew to reject the circumlocution view.

First, according to the circumlocution view Matthew avoided the use of the divine name for one of two reasons. He could have avoided the use so that he would not accidently break the third commandment, or he could have avoided the use in order to avoid offending the Jews for whom he was writing.[24] That Matthew wrote to avoid using the divine name for the sake of his own conscience appears indefensible in light of the teaching of his gospel. The avoidance of the divine name was an example of the multiplication of human traditions and rules Jesus argues against in the gospel of Matthew (15:1-8). Hagelberg concludes, “It is not conceivable that Matthew could have held to and been motivated by this false view of holiness.”[25] For this reason, the nearly unanimous view of commentators has been that Matthew used heaven to avoid offending his audience.[26] But this proposal is likewise suspect. Matthew does not appear reticent to offend the Jewish brethren elsewhere within his gospel.[27] For instance, Matthew’s background as a tax collector could potentially incense their Jewish sensibilities.[28] Further, the entire Sermon on the Mount (Matt 5-7) is an attack against the Jewish system of thought that was at the root of the circumlocution habit. If Matthew was using circumlocution to avoid offending the Jews, it appears strange that he was not reticent to offend them in other ways.

The second reason circumlocution is a poor explanation for Matthew’s use of KH is Matthew’s expansive use of God’s name. If Matthew sought to substitute the divine name for another term, why does Matthew use the divine name 51 times in his gospel?[29] Further, if Matthew is seeking to avoid the formulaic KG, why does he fail to substitute KH for KG in four instances (12:28; 19:24; 21:31, 43)?[30] John Drane, who believes in the circumlocution proposal, argues that these four instances “can readily be understood if we suppose that Matthew overlooked these four occurrences of the word.”[31] Not considering how this explanation could potentially affect one’s understanding of inspiration, it is simply unbelievable that Matthew overlooked these four texts. For example, in the text already examined above, Matthew synonymously related the KG and the KH (19:23-24); it is hard to imagine that Matthew changed KG to KH in one sentence and forgot to do so in the very next sentence. Overall, Matthew shows little reluctance to use the divine name; therefore, while the circumlocution proposal has enjoyed nearly universal acclaim in Matthean studies, it does not hold under the weight of careful study.[32]

Metonymic Difference: 
Kingdom Of Heaven Vs Kingdoms Of The Earth [33]

Sensing the failure of the circumlocution proposal, some scholars have attempted to propose alternate explanations. For instance, while D. A. Carson is not willing to completely overturn the circumlocution thesis, he argues that there seems to be more to Matthew’s choice than merely avoiding the divine name. Perhaps Matthew intentionally avoided KG in order to leave open the possibility of Jesus also being King.[34] Leon Morris adds that Matthew may be stressing the comprehensiveness of the kingdom by using KH, denoting that the kingdom not only pertains to the earth, but is also expressed in the heavenly realm.[35] Margaret Pamment and James Gibbs suggest that KH pertains to the future kingdom while KG references the present kingdom expressed in the lives of Jesus’ disciples.[36] Stanley Toussaint offers another perspective, arguing that KH references the fulfillment of Old Testament prophecies, while KG speaks of the character of God’s kingdom.[37] A final proposal, given by J. Julius Scott, contends that Matthew avoided KG because of its military connotations among his Jewish audience.[38] While the present article will not be arguing for any of these positions, the multiplicity of suggested explanations for Matthew’s use of KG shows that the classic explanation has been found wanting. The rest of this paper will give an alternative explanation that honors both the theology and text of Matthew’s Gospel.

A careful study of the first Gospel will reveal that KH is not an isolated element of Matthew’s gospel; instead, Matthew maintains a theme of heavenly language that orientates the reader to the distinction between the kingdom that will come from heaven and the kingdoms of this world.[39] Hagelberg summarizes,

“The Kingdom of Heaven” is used by Matthew because it supports and supplements Matthew’s theology which is centered around the concept of the two kingdoms in conflict; this support and supplementation is by the natural pairing of the kingdom of heaven with the kingdom of earth and by the culture’s stock of ideas, ie. [sic] when the kingdom of heaven was mentioned, its opposite, the kingdom of earth, came to mind.[40]

The distinction between heaven and earth is a primeval fact in Scripture (Gen 1:1). Later revelation would confirm that the heavens are the abode of God, while the earth is the abode of man (Ps 115:16). Further, the kings of the earth battle against the God of heaven (Psalm 2). Each of these Old Testament themes was evident to Matthew and his audience. Most important to Matthew, however, was Daniel 2:44, which reveals that the God of Heaven will one day establish a kingdom that will replace the kingdoms of this world.[41] The idea of this kingdom from the God of heaven quickly and pervasively caught the hearts of the Hebrew people, who longed for political freedom. This longing remained in their hearts from the time of Daniel through the intertestamental period all the way to the writing of Matthew’s gospel.[42]

Matthew, writing to Jews who still embraced the hope of a future kingdom from the God of heaven, termed the KG as the KH to directly correlate the kingdom Jesus will establish with the long awaited hope established in Daniel 2-7.[43] While it is possible Matthew could have used the more general phrase KG to denote this kingdom, he chose to use KH to remind his readers of Daniel and to make a contrast with the kingdoms of this world. Just as Daniel’s original audience took hope under the oppressive regimes in the exile, so Matthew’s audience could take hope under the oppressive regime of the Romans in their present day.

While the preceding explanation is theologically possible, the reader may be wondering whether it is exegetically tenable. This article will seek to prove that it is exegetically sound by examining the language of Matthew’s text. First, Matthew emphasizes the heavenly realm in his gospel. A simple comparison of the use of οὐρανός (“heaven”) will show that Matthew (82 uses) speaks of heaven much more than Mark (18), Luke (35), or John (18).[44] In fact, Matthew speaks of heaven more than all the other gospels combined! Further, Matthew connects heaven with the Father more than twenty times (Heavenly Father or Father in Heaven), while the only other gospel to connect these terms is Mark, and he connects them only once.[45]

Second, it is clear that Matthew’s gospel centers on the concept of Kingdom. Matthew, of all the gospel writers, references the kingdom the most (fifty-five times). In fact, Matthew references the kingdom more than all of the non-gospel NT books put together.[46] Whereas Luke traces Jesus’ genealogy back to Adam, Matthew takes pains to show that while Jesus’ lineage runs all the way back to Abraham (stressing Jewish heritage), it runs through David as well (stressing kingship). The careful reader of Matthew will not miss that the kingdom appears at the most central parts of Matthew’s text: the genealogy of Jesus (1:1); the start of John the Baptist’s ministry (3:2); the start of Jesus’ ministry (4:17); the Sermon on the Mount (5:3, 10; 6:9-13); the kingdom parables (13:1-52; 20:1-16; 22:1-14; 25:1-46); the Passover meal (26:29); and the Great Commission (24:14; 28:18).

These two major themes in Matthew—Heaven and Kingdom—come together in Matthew’s unique phrase KH. But it is not yet clear why Matthew connects these two ideas. The third point will fill the gap: Matthew frequently emphasizes the distinction between heaven and earth. This distinction is evident in each of the synoptic gospels but is particularly emphasized in Matthew. While Matthew connects language concerning heaven and earth in more than 20 instances, Mark does so twice and Luke only five times.[47] Further, as Pennington notes, “The language of ‘heaven and earth’ as contrasting realities is found at the most important theological points throughout the gospel such as in the Lord’s Prayer (6:9-10), the ecclesiological passages (16:17-19; 18:18-19), and the Great Commission (28:18-20).”[48] Taking it all together, it is hard not to conclude with Pennington that “Matthew is consciously developing a heaven and earth theme.”[49]

Putting all of Matthew’s themes together presents the reader with God as the King of the heavenly realm, which stands in opposition to the earth. However, Matthew’s emphasis on the earth also includes the idea of kingship. From the very beginning of his gospel (2:1-3), Matthew notes that Jesus is the king in opposition to Herod as the archetypal earthly king: “Now after Jesus was born in Bethlehem of Judea in the days of Herod the king, magi from the east arrived in Jerusalem, saying, ‘Where is he who has been born King of the Jews? For we saw his star in the east and have come to worship him.’ When Herod the king heard this, he was troubled, and all Jerusalem with him.” Here Matthew sandwiches the Kingship of Jesus between the two proclamations of Herod’s kingship.[50] Later Matthew brings into stark contrast the kingship promised to Jesus from the Father in heaven with the kingship offered from Satan, king of this world (4:8; cf. 12:26). In this passage, Matthew speaks of the kingdoms of the earth in both human and satanic terms, an analogy likely derived from Daniel 10:13.[51] This theme of heavenly kingship and earthly kingship runs throughout the text, crescendoing in the Great Commission when Jesus notes that the authority in heaven and earth has been given to him.[52]

The clearest text in Matthew that brings all of these themes together is the Lord’s Prayer (6:9-10):

Our Father who is in heaven,
Hallowed be Your name.
Your kingdom come.
Your will be done,
On earth as it is in heaven.
Give us this day our daily bread.
And forgive us our debts, as we also have forgiven our debtors.
And do not lead us into temptation, but deliver us from evil.[53]

The prayer begins with a recognition that the Father is in the heavens, from which the Kingdom will come. Further, it presents a contrast between the things done on earth and those done in heaven. The implication is that God’s will is accomplished in the heavens because that realm is presently subject to his kingly authority. The earth, by contrast, is not presently under the kingly authority of God, but one day, in God’s timing, will be subject to him. The prayer further recognizes that though the earth is not in total subjection at the present moment, God has control over the physical (earth’s resources) and spiritual (forgiveness) aspects of existence on earth.[54]

Implications For Matthew’s Readers

On the basis of the findings above, KH in Matthew is not designed to show a denotative difference between the KH and the KG. Neither is it designed to avoid the divine name. Instead, KH functions to orientate the Jewish reader back to Daniel 2-7, where the Kingdom from the God of Heaven was promised to supplant the kingdoms of the earth. This understanding matches Matthew’s themes perfectly, and it provides a rich understanding of Matthew’s theological purposes.

First, it is clear from the intertestamental literature that the expectations for the coming Kingdom were not going to be fulfilled as many Jews expected. In fact, even the expectations of Jesus’ followers were off mark. For example, John the Baptists’ doubt appears to have been motivated by his lack of understanding how the future King’s ministry could be almost entirely non-political (11:2-6).[55] For this reason, Matthew intentionally emphasized the prophetic language of Daniel by calling the kingdom the KH, affirming the kingdom Jesus promised was the same one Daniel predicted years before. While the kingdom was to progress in ways the Jews were not prepared for (13:31-33), it was the same kingdom, and it would one day usurp all the kingdoms of the earth.

Second, just as the Kingdom coming from the God of Heaven reassured Daniel’s listeners that God’s plan was still functioning despite their historical context in Babylon, so Matthew’s KH reassured his readers that God’s plan was still moving forward despite the historical context in Rome. In both situations, the Jews wanted to be free from the political reigns of a domineering captor. And in both situations, God, through his inspired writers, gave glimpses of the future fulfillment of that hope. Rome, the final beast, will be conquered, and the kingdom from heaven will be finally and fully established. Though many hoped it would be fully established at Jesus’ first coming, the future is still secure—the statue will be toppled (Dan 2:35).

Third, Matthew’s use of KH assured his readers that those who embraced Jesus were on the side of the God in heaven who would establish his kingdom in the future on the earth. Though the kingdoms of the earth presently persecute Jesus’ followers (5:10; 23:34), believers will one day inherit the earth as members of God’s kingdom from heaven (5:5, 10). Their treasures, likewise, are stored in heaven for them (6:19-21). Though they appear fatherless in this world (23:9), they have a devoted Father in heaven (5:16; 12:50). On the other hand, the religious leaders have Satan as their father (13:38-39). They joined with the rulers of this world (both spiritual and political) against the KH (27:1-2), and they will share in the fate of the spiritual ruler of this world (25:41). They are of the type who will mourn when the Son comes from the heavens to take his throne (24:30). The contrast could not be presented more sharply. In the popular religious thought, Jesus’ followers were deceived and received persecution as a result of being found on the wrong “team.”

Matthew’s gospel clearly displays that persecution is not proof that people are on the wrong team; rather it is proof they are on the right team (5:12)! They were not members of the kingdoms of this earth but had been granted access to a new family and kingdom through obedience to Christ (12:50). While it appeared they were missing the true Kingdom, Matthew assured his readers that they were the true recipients of God’s coming kingdom.

Finally, Matthew used KH to stress the superiority of heaven over earth. Because Matthew’s readers were sons of the Father in heaven, they should be confident in the future establishment of the Kingdom. That the King sitting in heaven has control over the earth is evident throughout Matthew’s Gospel. First, Matthew masterfully weaves two Old Testament references together when he identifies heaven as the throne of God, the earth as God’s footstool, and Jerusalem as the city of the Great King (Ps 48:1, 2; Isa 66:1; Matt 5:34, 35).[56] ὑποπόδιον (“footstool”) denotes subjection to a superior force.[57] This terminology is often used to describe a victor putting his foot upon the conquered enemy’s neck.[58] Second, Matthew records Jesus describing the Father as “Lord of heaven and earth” (11:25), a clear indication of God’s sovereignty over the earth. Third, Matthew describes God as having power over the earth through earthquakes. Matthew is the only gospel to record the earthquake at the crucifixion, noting that the “earth shook and the rocks broke in pieces” (27:51). Matthew is referring his readers back to the Old Testament’s depictions of God’s power and anger expressed through earthquakes.[59] Matthew is also the only Gospel writer to record that the angel who rolled the stone away caused an earthquake.[60] Clearly the weight of the stone itself did not cause the quake; instead, God was expressing his power over the earth through the resurrection of his Son. Though Jesus was three days in the heart of the earth (12:40), God’s power is shown in conquering both the spiritual (Satan) and political (Roman and Jewish) kingdoms of the earth in the resurrection of his Son. The earthquake serves as a vivid expression of God’s sovereignty over the world. Overall, Matthew’s emphasis on God’s power over the kingdoms of the earth served to give his readers confidence that though they were sometimes persecuted, reviled, and killed, God maintained ultimate control over the earth. Though the kings of the earth may appear to have power, they are unaware that even now their neck is under the foot of God, awaiting the day when God will bring his kingdom from the heavens to the earth.

Conclusion

While this paper has emphasized the effect Matthew’s KH language would have had on the original recipients, it has a significant impact on modern believers as well. In union with historic believers in Babylon and Rome, modern believers can also have hope that, while the world’s kingdoms continue to rage against the King of Heaven (Ps 2), the KH will one day supplant all the unrighteousness of this earth. And while these kingdoms appear independent of the sovereignty of the Father, they are subject to his power. Though modern believers are often ostracized and rejected, they are ultimately members of the KH. Though presently strangers and exiles, they will be united to Jesus in his kingdom at his second coming. They share in common with both Daniel’s and Matthew’s readers the hope of the future earthly kingdom of the Lord Jesus Christ. Matthew masterfully concludes his gospel with the promise of this kingdom, noting that though the kings of the earth hate the king of heaven, Jesus has been given all authority in heaven and earth (28:18). He will return on the clouds of heaven to take his royal throne (24:30; 26:64). The battle is already over, and those aligned with God’s kingdom await the future victory march.

Notes

  1. Mr. Miller is a Ph.D. candidate and an Assistant Professor in the Bible Department at Maranatha Baptist Bible College and Seminary.
  2. This position is not limited to early dispensationalists. See Michael Pearl, Eight Kingdoms: And Then There was ONE (Pleasantville, TN: No Greater Joy Ministries, 2006).
  3. For instance, see Matthew Henry, An Exposition of the Old and New Testament (New York: R. Carter & Brothers, 1856), 4: 158.
  4. C. I. Scofield, ed., The Scofield Reference Study Bible (1917) (New York: Oxford, 1996), 1003.
  5. It is temporal until it merges with the KG at the end of the Millennium.
  6. For more on the distinctions in Scofield and the early dispensationalists see Herbert W. Bateman, “Dispensationalism Yesterday and Today,” in Three Central Issues in Contemporary Dispensationalism: A Comparison of Traditional and Progressive Views, Herbert W. Bateman, ed. (Grand Rapids: Kregel, 1999), 24-31.
  7. Charles L. Feinberg, Premillennialism or Amillennialism? (New York: American Board of Missions to the Jews, 1961), 299-303.
  8. Charles Ryrie, Dispensationalism (Chicago: Moody, 2007), 154-57; Robert Saucy, The Case for Progressive Dispensationalism (Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1993), 19; Stanley D. Toussaint, Behold the King: A Study of Matthew (Grand Rapids: Kregel, 2005), 65.
  9. John F. Walvoord, “Kingdom of Heaven,” Bibliotheca Sacra 124.495 (1967): 205.
  10. See Pearl who says that the KH and the KG are not the same. He then notes that this distinction is important because, “It is the difference between being a dispensationalist or not.” Pearl, Eight Kingdoms, 1.
  11. For extended critiques see, David Edward Hagelberg, “The Designation ‘The Kingdom of Heaven’” (Masters Thesis, Dallas Theological Seminary, 1983), 11-24; George Eldon Ladd, Crucial Questions about the Kingdom of God (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1952), 109-111; Toussaint, Behold the King, 65-67.
  12. C. C. Caragounis, “Kingdom of God/Heaven,” in Dictionary of Jesus and the Gospels, Joel B. Green, Scot McKnight, and I. Howard Marshall, ed. (Grand Rapids: IVP Academic, 1997), 426.
  13. Walvoord and Feinberg defended their position by stating that the phrase “Kingdom of God” could be used to denote the KH because (1) the two kingdoms are quite similar, and (2) the KH is an aspect of the KG. They both use geographical illustrations, arguing that one could truthfully speak of being in Dallas, Texas to one friend and speak of being in the library at Dallas Theological Seminary to another. Since the library is within the geographical bounds of Dallas, Texas, it is not illegitimate to substitute the one for the other. The analogy breaks down, however, when we consider the specifics of the analogy. In the case of geography, the larger sphere contains 100% of the smaller sphere (i.e., all of Dallas Seminary’s library is included in Dallas, Texas), but in the KH/KG analogy, the larger sphere (KG) does not contain 100% of the smaller sphere (KH). That is, there are members of the KH (unbelievers) that are not a part of the KG (only believers). Therefore, the analogy breaks down at its most crucial point. If there are two distinct kingdoms being spoken of at the time of Jesus, and if these kingdoms contain different members, then it does not appear that one could legitimately substitute the phrases without some form of duplicity. Feinberg, Premillennialism or Amillennialism?, 301-302; Walvoord, “Kingdom of Heaven,” 199, 201. Earl Miller unwittingly establishes the failure of the analogy when he argues, “Topographically the Kingdom of Heaven is within the bounds of the Kingdom of God, but a great deal of what is considered in the Kingdom of Heaven is not generically in the Kingdom of God.” Earl Miller, The Kingdom of God and The Kingdom of Heaven (Kansas City: Walterick, 1950), 60-61.
  14. Matthew uses the same clause to connect two ideas in Matthew 18:18-19, reiterating the authority he has given to his church.
  15. Hagelberg not only argues that the proponent has to bear the burden of proof within the Matthean text, but he also notes that the burden is significantly more burdensome due to the lack of distinction in pre-Matthean literature. If Hagelberg’s research is correct, there was some understanding of the kingdom of Heaven preceding Matthew’s text. This literature makes no distinction between KG and KH. Therefore, Matthew is using two terms that have historically been synonyms. If he wants to make a distinction, he must be very clear how he differentiates them. If he fails to make a clear case for the differences, then his audience will automatically assume he is speaking of the same kingdom. Hagelberg, “The Designation,” 1-10, 22.
  16. While it could be argued that these passages are referring to the future aspect of the KH when it merges with the KG, it is hard to understand why Matthew does not simply use KG, which he is not unafraid to use four other times in the gospel. For another text indicating difficulty entering the KH see Matthew 18:3-4.
  17. Foster provides another reason to doubt the distinction as formed in early dispensationalism; namely, KH is used only once (in thirty-two occurrences) in speeches to unbelievers, while KG is used only once in relation to disciples. Foster recognizes the initial implication of this raw data: “Initially, these statistics indicate that KG refers to God’s rule over both the obedient and disobedient, while KH exclusively designates his reign over those who become his family through faith in Jesus.” In other words, this data leads him in the exact opposite direction of early dispensational thought. See Robert Foster, “Why on Earth Use ‘Kingdom of Heaven’?: Matthew’s Terminology Revisited,” New Testament Studies 48.4 (2002): 494.
  18. “The assumption of reverential circumlocution is so widespread that it functions as a consensus in Matthean studies.” Jonathan T. Pennington, Heaven and Earth in the Gospel of Matthew (Grand Rapids: Baker, 2007), 32.
  19. Ladd, Crucial Questions, 123, fn 6.
  20. Pennington, Heaven and Earth, 36.
  21. Gustaf Dalman, The Words of Jesus, D. M. Kay, tr. (Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark, 1902), 91-94.
  22. Pennington, Heaven and Earth, 13-37.
  23. “It is often the case that the literary/rhetorical practice of circumlocution is used with no motive of avoidance of the divine name, but instead for other reasons: style, variety, literary allusions, word-play, or theological purpose.” Ibid., 36.
  24. Hagelberg, “The Designation,” 25.
  25. Ibid., 30.
  26. It is clear that Matthew’s gospel is written to the Jewish people. The formulaic Old Testament references (Matt 1:22-23; 2:5-6; 2:15; 2:17-18; 2:23; 4:14-16; 8:17; 12:17-21; 13:35; 21:4-5; 27:9-10:2) and the fact that he traces his lineage back to Abraham and David (Matt 1:1) indicate that he was writing to the Hebrew people.
  27. Hagelberg, “The Designation,” 30.
  28. This is dependent on the authorship of Matthew. The present author agrees with Leon Morris that there is more evidence for the apostle Matthew’s authorship than present scholars generally give credit. See Leon Morris, The Gospel according to Matthew, Pillar New Testament Commentary (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1992), 12-15.
  29. While Matthew does use θεός less frequently than the other gospel writers, the difference is not as striking as one would suppose if Matthew were actively seeking to avoid using the divine name. For a statistical analysis of Matthew’s and Luke’s uses of θεός see James M. Gibbs, “Matthew’s use of ‘Kingdom,’ ‘Kingdom of God’ and ‘Kingdom of Heaven,’” The Bangalore Theological Forum 8.1 (1976): 60-77.
  30. There is a textual problem in Matthew 6:33. It may be simply “Kingdom.”
  31. John William Drane, Introducing the New Testament, Completely Rev. and Updated (Oxford: Lion, 2000), 115.
  32. Cremer offers another argument against the circumlocution view, suggesting that when heaven is a replacement for God it is always used in the singular. In Matthew, however, the phrase KH is always in the plural. See Herman Cremer, Biblico-Theological Lexicon of New Testament Greek, tr. William Urwick, 3rd ed. (Edinburgh: T & T Clark, n.d.), 662-63.
  33. Pennington holds to a distinction between circumlocution and metonymy. He notes that they are certainly not hermetically sealed terms that never overlap. Instead, he argues that circumlocution has taken on such baggage that it is no longer useful to understanding Matthew’s point. Matthew is not primarily using KH for the sake of avoiding the divine name, but for the sake of pointing out an aspect of God through the name he is ascribed. In this case, Matthew is using KH to make a theological point. Pennington, Heaven and Earth, 36.
  34. D. A. Carson, “Matthew,” in Matthew, Mark, Luke, The Expositor’s Bible Commentary 8 (Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1984), 100. Schweizer offers a similar reading in Eduard Schweizer, The Good News According to Matthew (Westminster: John Knox, 1975), 47.
  35. Morris, The Gospel According to Matthew, 53.
  36. Margaret Pamment, “The Kingdom of Heaven According to the First Gospel,” New Testament Studies 27.2 (1981): 211-232; Gibbs, “Matthew’s use of ‘Kingdom,’” 60-77.
  37. Toussaint, Behold the King, 68.
  38. J. Julius Scott Jr., “The Synoptic Gospels,” in Introductory Articles, Expositor’s Bible Commentary (Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1984), 1: 508.
  39. Some scholars have suggested this or a very similar theme in the past. Especially take note of Jonathan Pennington’s book length defense of essentially the same position the present author is arguing for. This essay is designed to build on and popularize the position offered by these authors. Cremer, Biblico-Theological Lexicon; Hagelberg, “The Designation”; Foster, “Why on Earth Use ‘Kingdom of Heaven’?: Matthew’s Terminology Revisited”; Pennington, Heaven and Earth.
  40. Hagelberg, “The Designation,” 34.
  41. Daniel 2:31-45 speaks of the vision of Nebuchadnezzar in which a statue representing the kingdoms of the world is crushed by the stone from heaven, which grows and becomes a great mountain filling the whole earth. Daniel reveals that the stone is the kingdom, which will supplant all earthly kingdoms and which will be an eternal kingdom.
  42. See Pennington, Heaven and Earth, 268-272.
  43. Daniel 2 has been explained above. Daniel 7 adds to the context of the coming everlasting kingdom by noting that the earthly kingdoms will be usurped by the God of heaven, who will give the kingdom to the Son of Man.
  44. Foster, following the New International Dictionary of New Testament Theology, finds 34 uses in Luke, but a lemma search with the Logos Greek morphology tool indicates that there are 35 uses. See Foster, “Why on Earth, ” 490; Logos Greek Morphology, Logos Bible Software (Bellingham, WA: Logos Bible Software, 2013).
  45. Jonathan T. Pennington, “The Kingdom of Heaven in the Gospel of Matthew,” Southern Baptist Journal of Theology 12.1 (2008): 47.
  46. Ibid., 45.
  47. Ibid., 46
  48. Ibid.
  49. Ibid.
  50. Hagelberg, “The Designation,” 39.
  51. Hagelberg notes, “This combination of human and supernatural leadership over the kingdom of earth is reminiscent of Daniel 10:13 where the angel speaks of his battle with the ‘Prince of the Persian kingdom,’ the ‘King of Persia.’” Ibid., 40.
  52. While Matthew does not explicitly mention the kingdom in Matthew 28, he does mention that the gospel of the kingdom will be preached to the whole world in Matthew 24, which seems to be fulfilled through the Great Commission. Further, the reader who has caught the constant repetition in Matthew between the kingdom of heaven and the kingdoms of earth will not miss the implication of Jesus’ statement when he declares that all power has been given to him in heaven and earth. Perhaps Matthew is suggesting that all is in place so that Jesus can receive the authority promised to the Son of Man in Daniel 7:14. Daniel’s text argues that the kingdom will embrace people from every tribe and tongue, and Matthew’s text expresses the authority of Christ to those who are to take the gospel to the ends of the earth.
  53. “For thine is the kingdom, power, and glory forever and ever amen,” the latter portion of verse 13, is usually excluded on the grounds that the earliest MSS do not include this doxology. On these grounds, most scholars have concluded the phrase is not an original portion of the Gospel of Matthew. On the other hand, Leon Morris argues, “The case for the doxology is stronger than many students assume.” On the basis of the present study, one can see that the doxology fits nicely with Matthew’s central themes. Morris, The Gospel according to Matthew, 149.
  54. Matthew stresses God’s provision over both of these in other places in his text. For instance, in Matthew 9:6 Jesus states that He has been given authority on earth to forgive sins. And in 6:33 he notes that seeking God’s kingdom results in God’s meeting the believer’s physical needs.
  55. Nolland expresses this view when he says, “John needed to come to terms with the fact that the one of whom he had now been hearing such remarkable things was, despite the quite unexpected form of his ministry, the one whom he had heralded as eschatological judge and deliverer—‘the one coming after’ John (Mt. 3:11).” John Nolland, The Gospel of Matthew, New International Greek Testament Commentary (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2005), 450-451.
  56. Morris, The Gospel According to Matthew, 122.
  57. Philo notes that the idea of earth as footstool serves the “purpose of displaying that even the whole world has not a free and unrestrained spontaneous motion of its own, but God, the ruler of the universe, takes his stand upon it, regulating it and directing everything in a saving manner by the helm of his wisdom.” Philo of Alexandria, “Confusion,” The Works of Philo: Complete and Unabridged, Charles Duke Yonge, tr. (Peabody, MA: Hendrickson, 1995), 98.
  58. William Walter Arndt, Frederick W. Danker, and Walter Bauer, A Greek-English Lexicon of the New Testament and Other Early Christian Literature, 3rd ed. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2000), 1050.
  59. For instance, see 2 Sam 22:7-8, where God hears from the heavens and shakes the earth in his anger. Also see Nahum 1:6, where God’s anger causes the rocks to break in pieces. Nolland, The Gospel of Matthew, 1213.
  60. Notably, Matthew emphasizes that the angel had come from heaven to execute God’s will.

Six Ways to Put Away Pride

How Can I Tell If I’m Really Saved?

Satan Always Asks Permission: Seven Ways God Reigns over Evil

If You Don’t Pray, You Won’t Live

Love Jesus More Than You Love Anything

Mere Christianity: An Examination Of The Concept In Richard Baxter And C. S. Lewis

By Timothy E. Miller [1]

Introduction

C. S. Lewis has been hailed as one of the most influential Christians of the twentieth century. A great measure of his success was due to his appeal to large segments of the “Christian” religious community. Duncan Sprague commented on this phenomenon: “I am amazed the extreme positions within Christendom that claim Lewis as [their] champion and defender...liberals and the fundamentalists; the Roman Catholics and the evangelical Protestants...the most conservative Baptists to the most charismatic Pentecostals claiming Lewis as one of their own.”[2] This led Walter Hooper, a prominent Lewis scholar, to brand Lewis as an “Everyman’s apologist.”[3]

A major portion of Lewis’s wide appeal should be attributed to his concept of Mere Christianity. When engaged in apologetics, Lewis believed he ought to avoid controversial issues that divided Christians.[4] Instead, only the core of Christian doctrine should be advanced and defended to unbelievers. Consequently, since most of Lewis’s doctrinal comments are contained in apologetic works, it comes as no surprise that many—even strongly opposed movements—could claim him as their own.

Examining the spiritual heritage of Lewis’s works one would be led to believe that Mere Christianity (MC)[5] was a huge success. Even today, Lewis’s works are being reprinted for and sold to an ever-increasing public. However, even successes have failures. The point of this paper, then, is to critically examine Lewis’s conception of MC, asking what the content of such a concept may be and whether it is ultimately helpful.

In order to fulfill our task, we will examine the historical foundations of Lewis’s concept. Namely, we will trace MC back to its origin in Richard Baxter. Having considered Baxter’s view of MC, we will compare it to Lewis’s conception. Finally, we will seek to show where Lewis and Baxter’s conceptions of MC were different and how a proper understanding of these differences should modify our understanding of the connection between MC and Christian apologetics.

Richard Baxter And Mere Christianity

Though popular opinion may ascribe the expression Mere Christianity to Lewis, the term dates back hundreds of years before Lewis to Richard Baxter, a seventeenth-century Puritan, who coined the phrase. Unfortunately, Baxter’s name is not well known in the modern world. In his day, however, Baxter was a prolific author, writing over 160 works.[6] Samuel Johnson, a distinguished English author in his own right, answered a question as to which of Baxter’s works should be read by saying, “Read any of them; they are all good.”[7] As a professor of English literature, it comes as no surprise that Lewis was familiar with Baxter’s work. The extent to which Lewis was familiar with Baxter must, unfortunately, remain uncertain. Nevertheless, it is clear that the concept of MC derives from Baxter.[8] But did Lewis intend to further develop Baxter’s view of MC? Or did Lewis commandeer the term, empty it of Baxter’s meaning, and fill it with his own meaning? An examination of Baxter’s use of the term will lead us to embrace the latter position.[9]

Baxter’s Historical Context

In order to fully understand Baxter’s use of MC, we must understand the historical circumstances in which he lived. Religious rivalry was the norm of life throughout England during Baxter’s lifetime (1615-1691). Henry VIII’s break with Rome was only the beginning of the religious strife that would mark the country for many generations. As Baxter’s ministry matured, the religious battles were no longer being fought with the continent; rather, the battles were internal to England. The political lines were drawn alongside the religious lines. Due to the dictates of his conscience, Baxter found himself fighting with the Nonconformists under Cromwell. When the monarchy was re-established, Baxter was appointed to the royal chaplaincy.[10] But, due to the Act of Uniformity (1662), his position was short lived.[11] The act demanded that all pastors exclusively use the Book of Common Prayer and be ordained by the Anglican Church. Baxter was neither willing nor conscientiously able to obey the act.

Did Baxter leave his post because he was a Presbyterian? Some have claimed as much, but Baxter’s beliefs remained more elusive than a denominational name could identify.[12] N. H. Keeble notes, “Baxter has proved an elusive figure. Modern scholars claim him both as Puritan and Anglican; as representative of the central moderate Puritan tradition and as its ‘stormy petrel’; as a rationalist and a mystic; as a Calvinist and an Arminian; as a fully integrated personality and as an ‘utterly self-divided man.’”[13] When pressed to determine his religious affiliation Baxter wrote:

I am a CHRISTIAN, a MEER CHRISTIAN, of no other Religion; and the Church that I am of is the Christian Church.… I am against all Sects and dividing Parties: But if any will call Meer Christians by the name of a Party, because they take up with Meer Christianity, Creed, and Scripture, and will not be of any dividing or contentious Sect, I am of that Party which is so against Parties: If the Name CHRISTIAN be not enough, call me a CATHOLICK CHRISTIAN; not as that word signifieth an hereticating majority of Bishops, but as it signifieth one that hath no Religion, but that which by Christ and the Apostles was left to the Catholick Church, or the Body of Jesus Christ on Earth.[14]

Describing himself at a different time, Baxter said, “You could not (except a Catholick Christian) have trulier called me than a Episcopal-Presbyterian Independent.”[15] Since the main options for Baxter at that point (save for Catholicism) were Presbyterianism, Anglicanism, and independence, Baxter identified himself with, paradoxically, all of them and none of them. He wanted to identify with none, but at the same time, he did not want to exclude any.

Baxter’s omni/non-position exasperated his opponents. Some of his contemporaries began calling his unique blend of Christianity Baxterianism—of which he despaired.[16] He wanted no identifying adjective placed next to Christian. He did not want to be a Catholic, Presbyterian, Anglican, Independent, or any other Christian; he wanted to be a Christian. The adjective mere was not to become another faction within the church. In fact, the word mere was designed to indicate the lack of an adjective, not the replacement for an adjective.

Baxter’s Non-Denominational Stance

The source of Baxter’s anti-denominational stance is explained by multiple factors. A major factor was grounded in Baxter’s belief that all worship is faulty. The Presbyterian will criticize the Anglican mode of worship, and the Anglican will respond in like manner. But Baxter believed that neither had the higher ground. He arrived at this conclusion by consideration of human depravity. That is, since every aspect of man’s life is fallen, even the best worship will be marred. Thus Baxter says,

For while all the worshippers are faulty and imperfect, all their worship will be too: and if your actual sin, when you pray or preach effectively yourselves, doth not signify that you approve your faultiness; much less will your presence prove that you allow of the faultiness of others. The business that you come upon is to join with a Christian congregation in the use of those ordinances which God hath appointed, supposing that the ministers and worshippers will all be sinfully defective, in method, order, words, or circumstances: and to bear with that which God doth bear with, and not to refuse that which is God’s for the adherent faults of men, no more than you will refuse every dish of meat which is unhandsomely cooked, as long as there is no poison in it, and you prefer it not before better.[17]

In another, similar, context Baxter said, “All our worship of God is sinfully imperfect, and that it is a dividing principle to hold, that we may join with none that worship God in a faulty manner; for then we must join in the worship of none on earth.”[18] For Baxter, error cannot be avoided while on earth. One who seeks to worship in perfection can worship with no one—not even himself! Consequently, if we accept faults in our own worship, we should accept the faults in our brothers’ worship as well.[19]

Though Baxter does not explicitly note politics as a source of his anti-denominationalism, his historical circumstances forced him to think critically about the role of politics in religion. Whatever political position was in power attempted to force its religious views on the country. If his vision of anti-denominationalism succeeded, there would be no coercion and persecution. In Baxter’s view, Christianity supersedes political lines and should not be drawn alongside of them.

Baxter’s anti-denominational stance can be attributed to another factor—the sinfulness of division. Baxter defines a Christian as one who

is an esteemer of the unity of the church, and is greatly averse to all divisions among believers. As there is in the natural body an abhorring of dismembering or separating any part from the whole; so there is in the mystical body of Christ. The members that have life, cannot but feel the smart of any distempering attempt: for abscission is destruction…. He looketh at uncharitableness, and divisions, with more abhorrence than weak Christians do at drunkenness or whoredom, or such other heinous sin…. Therefore he is so far from being a divider himself, that when he seeth any one making divisions among Christians, he looketh on him as on one that is mangling the body of his dearest friend, or as one that is setting fire on his house, and therefore doth all that he can to quench it; as knowing the confusion and calamity to which it tendeth.[20]

His justification for such strong language is grounded in his understanding of the following Scriptures: Romans 16:17-18; Acts 20:29-30; and Philippians 2:1-3. Division, he argued, was against God’s will, disrupting the unity of the church. His picturesque analogies (dismembering, mangled bodies, and house on fire) display the abhorrence Baxter felt for division in the church. Paul’s analogy of the body of Christ was more than a mere picture; it described a spiritual reality. Thus, he believed the conscientious Christian must also abhor disunity and denominational factions. The only recourse was to reconstitute the whole, creating a unified, functioning body once more.

A final reason Baxter embraced anti-denominationalism concerns its role in Christian apologetics. Baxter believed that the gospel of Christ was hindered by division. Speaking of his own ministry, Baxter stated, “When people saw diversity of Sects and Churches in any place, it greatly hindered their conversion.… But they had no such offence of objection [at Kidderminster]…for we were all but as one.”[21] Baxter labored hard to eliminate sectarian divisions among Christians at Kidderminster, and he was quite effective, for he was able to say later that “I know not of an Anabaptist, or Socinian, or Arminian, or Quaker, or Separatist, or any such sect in the town where I live; except a half dozen Papists that never heard me.”[22] His success in erasing the divisions between Christians, he believed, led the way to apologetic success. A fully unified army of believers presenting the gospel to the world was much more effective than each sectarian group making individual advancements.

Baxter’s Conception Of A Mere Christian

On the negative side, we have examined the core reasons Baxter held to anti-denominationalism, but on the positive side, it would be helpful here to delineate precisely what Baxter meant by MC. That is, who is included as a Mere Christian and why is he included? Baxter gives five requirements for being a Mere Christian.[23] First, one must hold to those beliefs that are evident from the apostolic times. In this way, Baxter was not disavowing the role of church history in doctrinal formation. He believed that the modern church must seek to live out the true tradition passed on by the apostles. More specifically, Baxter believed the content of apostolic teaching, church history, and the common interpretations of the present church presented the following core truths: “The Christian faith is ‘the believing an everlasting life of happiness to be offered by God (with the pardon of all sin) as procured by the sufferings and merits of Jesus Christ, to all that are sanctified by the Holy Ghost, and do persevere in love to God and to each other, and in a holy and heavenly conversation.’ This is saving faith and Christianity, if we consent as well as assent.”[24]

Second, true Christians must adhere to teaching that is “plainly and certainly expressed in the Holy Scripture.”[25] The two adjectives are extremely important. The beliefs received from the Scripture must not be unique to each reader. The Scripture is perspicuous, yet there are many things that remain enigmatic, and to those issues man should not become divisive. Opinions may be given and held, but they should not become a standard of orthodoxy or communion. For this reason, Baxter was opposed to detailed creeds, for when they focused on more than the essentials they could tend to “multiply controversies, and fill the minds of men with scruples, and ensnare their consciences, and engage men in parties against each other to the breach of Christian charity.”[26] Creeds, in Baxter’s mind, sought to go beyond Scripture to establish with certainty what Scripture had not clearly revealed. The end result, at least in Baxter’s mind, was division and sectarianism.

The third characteristic, which is a further implication of the first, is that Mere Christians agree to doctrine that has been held by the universal church throughout the ages.[27] True Christianity, Baxter argued, would be grounded in the Bible and would follow the traditions laid down by Christ and the apostles. Consequently, the Mere Christian must find himself in continuity with the line of true Christians throughout the centuries. Historical continuity with believers of past ages served as both a proof of identity as well as a sign of God amongst his people.

Harmony of essential belief among a modern community of faith is the fourth characteristic of Mere Christians. The problem with this characteristic concerns its circularity; that is, one cannot define a Mere Christian by referring to Mere Christians. Thus, the scope of this characteristic is necessarily limited. However, one can see that Baxter was seeking to express the impressive unity amongst believers cultivated by those who seek to honor Scripture first. As far as they are successful, they will become attractive to other true believers. In this way, they will give credibility to their own interpretation of Scripture. Summarizing the previous points, one finds that the Mere Christian is one who follows in the footsteps of the apostles, follows the Scripture in all things, gauges his interpretations of Scripture by the interpretations of church history, and gauges his interpretation by modern interpreters who are likewise devoted to sola scriptura.

The final characteristic of a Mere Christian concerns the fruit of conversion. Baxter stated the truth this way: “Every man in the former ages of the church was admitted to this catholic church communion, who in the baptismal vow or covenant gave up himself to God, the Father, Son and Holy Ghost, as his Creator, Redeemer and Sanctifier, his Owner, Governor and Father, renouncing the flesh, the world and the devil.”[28] Baxter believed a true change must accompany the conversion of a Mere Christian. Mental assent to the aforementioned truths was not enough. The path of membership travelled to the cross of Christ where the pride of man is stripped away and the work of God is permanently started in the heart of the believer.

Before leaving Baxter’s requirements of a Mere Christian, it is fruitful to also examine what Baxter taught about extraneous beliefs. What should one do about beliefs that were beyond the scope of MC—e.g., whether one should use extemporaneous or liturgical prayers? Neither method of prayer is clearly taught in Scripture, so is one to suspend belief on the question? Baxter believed in what we will call undiluting addition. According to this position, one could be a Mere Christian while holding many things that were not necessarily clear in Scripture. More strikingly, Baxter held that one could be a Mere Christian while holding to a whole plethora of beliefs that were not true. Keeble summarized the position by noting that Baxter had a “readiness to welcome as true Christians any who held these essentials no matter what further beliefs they also maintained.”[29] Baxter noted of himself, “I confess I affect none of the honour of that orthodoxness, which consisteth in sentencing millions and kingdoms to hell, whom I am unacquainted with.”[30] He wanted to judge those outside by only the essentials and not by the beliefs he added to the essential truths of the gospel.

Of course, Baxter did not believe every extra belief attached to Christianity was acceptable. Some extra beliefs dilute the essential beliefs and ultimately cause one to modify the essential belief. When this happens, the external belief has invalidated the essential belief, and the person indicated cannot properly be called a Mere Christian. As an example, Baxter cited the beliefs of the Catholic Church:

If Papists, or any others, corrupt this religion with human additions and innovations, the great danger of these corruptions is, lest they draw them from the sound belief and serious practice of that ancient Christianity which we are all agreed in: and (among the Papists, or any other sect) where their corruptions do not thus corrupt their faith and practice in the true essentials, it is certain that those corruptions shall not damn them.[31]

In summary, if a belief brings the essentials into question, then the proponents cannot properly be called a Mere Christian. If however, the extra beliefs do not bring the essentials into question, he may be wrong, but he is still a Mere Christian.

C. S. Lewis And Mere Christianity

N. H. Keeble, speaking about the connection between Baxter and Lewis, wrote, “[There is] a pervasive coincidence of idea and emphasis between the work of the most popular and influential Christian evangelist and apologist of the seventeenth century and that of his counterpart in the twentieth.”[32] Indeed, a similarity of thought should be expected, since Lewis borrowed a central phrase from Baxter’s thought. But we will also find that there are some striking differences. This section will develop Lewis’s conception of MC. The reader is encouraged to look for the subtle differences in thought between the two great Christian thinkers. The next section will make the differences as well as the commonalities explicit, allowing us to examine how the Christian apologist should incorporate MC into his defense of the faith.

Lewis’s Historical Situation

Lewis’s life was spent in a post-Christian Europe ravaged and demystified by two world wars. Many of the remnants of Christianity remained throughout the European world; however, the substance of Christianity had faded at least a generation before. As a result, Christianity was coming under attack on two fronts. First, many were seeking to abolish religion in light of the “modern advances.” Science was offered as an explanation for everything, including the origin of life through Darwin’s theory of evolution. Second, Scripture was being understood as a work of historical fiction to be handled by the sociologists. The consequence was the humanizing of Scripture, which allowed man to control biblical revelation. Both of these challenges—modernism and liberalism—were substantial in Lewis’s day and became significant obstacles to Christian belief in the European world.[33]

Faced with such unbelief, Lewis determined that the age-old battle between Catholics and Protestants was distracting to the Christian cause. Both groups should have a united front to face what Lewis believed was the greater challenge of unbelief.[34] The essentials of Christianity, Lewis believed, were shared between Catholics and Protestants, and while their disagreements were significant, they paled in light of the unity provided by the essential theological beliefs they shared. In the preface to Mere Christianity, Lewis writes that the agreements between Christians—including Catholics and Protestants—“turns out to be something not only positive but pungent; divided from all non-Christian beliefs by a chasm to which the worst divisions inside Christendom are not really comparable at all.”[35]

Lewis And Ecumenical Spirit

Why did Lewis present MC as opposed to his own denominational stance as an Anglican? Lewis gives three reasons in the Introduction to Mere Christianity.[36] First, Lewis believed that only the experts should speak to matters of deep theology. As a layman, he believed he ought not trespass into the dangerous territory of theological argumentation.[37]

Lying behind this statement was Lewis’s personal belief that the Christian gospel was simple and easily understood by the common man. Second, Lewis believed that more talented (and theologically astute) writers were devoting their time to controversial theological truths. In sum, to write an apologetic treatise for the Anglican Church would have been fruitless since he was not as qualified as other writers, and it would not have filled a needed void. Instead, Lewis believed he ought to write to the simple man about the simple Christian message. Lewis felt adequate in that field, since any believer is qualified to speak on the essentials of Christianity. He felt further justified in that there appeared to be a void in this field: “That part of the line where I thought I could serve best was also the part that seemed to be the thinnest. And to it I naturally went.”[38]

Another substantial reason Lewis gave in Mere Christianity for writing on MC rather than Anglicanism concerns the need of unregenerate men. Lewis believed that arguing over theological peculiarities hindered unbelievers from accepting the truth of the Christian gospel: “I think we must admit that the discussion of these disputed points has no tendency at all to bring an outsider into the Christian fold. So long as we write and talk about them we are much more likely to deter him from entering any Christian communion than to draw him into our own.”[39] The great unity of the Christian faith, Lewis believed, was a substantial argument for its validity. Yet the argumentation Lewis found in most religious books spoke past unbelievers to established Christians. Consequently, the message communicated to unbelievers betrayed an internal war within the Christian camp. For this reason, Lewis sought to fill the gap. He wanted to write to the exponentially growing post-Christian world about the validity of the Christian message. In order to do this, Lewis felt it was imperative to shed the husk and teach the core.

A final reason Lewis chose to write on MC can be gathered from his other works. Namely, Lewis’s apologetic ideology was grounded in his belief that there was much more that united Christians than divided them. In 1933, nineteen years before the publication of Mere Christianity, Lewis was asked to enter a debate on the merits of Anglicanism and Catholicism. Lewis responded, “When all is said…about the divisions of Christendom, there remains, by God’s mercy, an enormous common ground.”[40] Thus, when Mere Christianity was originally published, the content was the product of mature reflection on denominational differences.[41]

The apologetic value of a unified Christian witness was personal to Lewis. Even before he was a Christian, Lewis was impressed with the unity of Christianity:

When I still hated Christianity, I learned to recognize like some all too familiar smell, that almost unvarying something which met me, now in Puritan Bunyan, now in Anglican Hooker, now in Thomist Dante. It was there…in Francois de Sales;…in Spenser and Walton;…in Pascal and Johnson…in the urban sobriety of the eighteenth century one was not safe—Law and Butler were two lions in the path…. It was, of course, varied; and yet—after all—so unmistakably the same; recognizable, not to be evaded, the odour which is death to us until we allow it to become life…. We are all rightly distressed and ashamed also, at the divisions of Christendom. But those who have always lived within the Christian fold may be too easily dispirited by them. They are bad, but such people do not know what it looks like from without. Seen from there, what is left intact despite all the divisions, still appears (as it truly is) an immensely formidable unity. I know, for I saw it; and well our enemies know it.[42]

Thus, Lewis believed that the unity of the Christian faith—despite what it may look like from the believer’s viewpoint—is a strong argument for the validity of the Christian message. If Christians were intent on living this reality, Lewis was convinced that Christian apologetics would be greatly advanced.

In summary, Lewis’s reasons for writing on MC are evangelistic and apologetic in principle. No doubt he also wanted to bring healing to the divided church, but his overriding purpose was to present Christ in simplicity to his post-Christian generation.[43]

Lewis’s Conception Of A Mere Christian

Nowhere in Mere Christianity does Lewis elucidate the fundamentals of a Mere Christian. In various places he gives hints of what may be included. For instance, he says that doctrinal differences should never be expressed in the presence of those who have not yet “come to believe that there is one God and that Jesus Christ is His only Son.”[44] So we have at least two explicit essentials: first, Mere Christians are Monotheists, and second, they believe Jesus Christ is God’s Son.[45] In another place, Lewis gives a second, more mystical definition: “It is at [the church’s] centre that each communion is really closest to every other in spirit, if not in doctrine. And this suggests that at the centre of each there is a something, or a Someone, who against all divergences of belief…speaks with the same voice.”[46] How can one identify a MC congregation or denomination? They have the same spirit. Here, Lewis is suggesting that Mere Christians can recognize one another by an invisible and undeniable unity of spirit.

A much clearer picture of Lewis’s conception of MC comes from a speech Lewis gave on apologetics to Anglican priests and youth leaders. In that context, Lewis provided a two-dimensional definition, describing what it is and what it is not. Positively, a Mere Christian holds to “The faith preached by the Apostles, attested by the Martyrs, embodied in the Creeds, expounded by the Fathers.”[47] Negatively, “[MC] must be clearly distinguished from the whole of what any one of us may think about God and man.”[48] As for the negative definition, Lewis sought to divide what was commonly held from that which individuals believed. A Mere Christian necessarily held the beliefs necessary to MC, but they might also hold additional beliefs beyond the core of MC.

Developing the positive definition is more difficult. Lewis says that MC is contained in the faith preached by the apostles, but how can we access that preaching? The context does not say. His second source is the attestation of the martyrs; however he never speaks of which martyrs. “Embodied in the creeds” is likewise unhelpful since Lewis does not specify of which creeds he speaks. And finally, he gives no indication of which fathers are to be referenced.

Being fair to Lewis, it must be admitted that he was not seeking to be explicit in a delineation of MC in this context. And many of the people he was speaking to would have had common assumptions concerning which fathers, creeds, and martyrs he was referencing. However, it is certainly distressing that Lewis never (at least to my knowledge) explicitly stated what he believed constituted MC. This lack of clarity led Steven Mueller to conclude, “It may be simply that each reader has his or her own definition of MC through which he or she evaluates Lewis’s words.”[49] Certainly Lewis never intended this result, but without being explicit could Lewis have avoided it?

While none of Lewis’s public works exhibit any sort of clarity about the content of MC, one personal letter does shed some limited light on how Lewis thought about the subject. In 1945, an Anglican layman, H. Lyman Stebbins, wrote to Lewis concerning the merits of Roman Catholicism. Apparently Stebbins had been presented with information that was compelling him to accept Roman Catholicism, so he wrote to Lewis asking for guidance. Lewis wrote back and said,

My position about the Churches can best be made plain by an imaginary example. Suppose I want to find out the correct interpretation of Plato’s teaching. What I am most confident in accepting is that interpretation which is common to all the Platonists down all the centuries: What Aristotle and the Renaissance scholars and Paul Elmer More agree on I take to be true Platonism. Any purely modern views which claim to have discovered for the first time what Plato meant, and say that everyone from Aristotle down has misunderstood him, I reject out of hand. But there is something else I would also reject. If there were an ancient Platonic Society still existing at Athens and claiming to be the exclusive trustees of Plato’s meaning, I should approach them with great respect. But if I found that their teaching was in many ways curiously unlike his actual text and unlike what ancient interpreters said, and in some cases could not be traced back to within 1, 000 years of his time, I should reject their exclusive claims—while ready, of course, to take any particular thing they taught on its merits.[50]

In this imaginary example, Lewis indicates that he believes MC lies precisely in the doctrines that have been held by all Christians throughout all times. For this reason, theological novelty should be rejected. Further, and of incredible importance, Lewis believes one should examine beliefs in light of the text they claimed to follow. In this way, Lewis was indicating the importance of Scripture. If a group called itself Christian but their theology failed to accord with the Scriptures, Lewis would not allow their errant formulations into the criteria for MC.

In summary, it is evident that Lewis’s concept of MC relies heavily upon commonly shared beliefs among those who call themselves Christian. Lewis was impressed with the continuity of Christian belief through the centuries. As such, he believed these common beliefs were the bedrock of Christianity, or put otherwise, they were the core of MC. However, since Lewis was never quite clear about the requirements of MC, one is lost in speculation as to which groups are included and which are not. Unfortunately, both heresies and truth have been held for centuries. Does heresy perpetuated become a part of those truths inherent to MC? Is the mysterious unity of the Spirit clear enough to wall off faulty doctrine? What place should be given to exegetical concerns in light of historical doctrine and the mysterious work of the Spirit? These questions remain unanswered by Lewis.

Unfortunately, Lewis’s conception of MC must remain somewhat enigmatic. But perhaps that is the way he planned to leave it. He did not want to outline the role of tradition and Scripture in exact detail, for in doing so he would have flared up the sources of division. Lewis stated, “You cannot…conclude from my silence on disputed points, either that I think them important or that I think them unimportant. For this is itself one of the disputed points. One of the things Christians are disagreed about is the importance of their disagreements.”[51] Maybe Lewis avoided giving the exact details of the content of MC, since it would have caused division and rivalry—the very things he was seeking to overcome.

Lewis And Denominations

Lewis believed that any split of the body of Christ was against God’s will: “Divisions between Christians are a sin and a scandal, and Christians ought at all times to be making contributions towards re-union, if it is only by their prayers.”[52] And though Lewis believed unity was the ultimate goal “as a logician,” Lewis would say, “I realize that when two churches affirm opposing positions, these cannot be reconciled.”[53] So what should be done? Lewis believed that churches ought to work together in concord on those issues in which they agree. Thus, Christians of all sorts should join arms in fighting unbelief. In Mere Christianity he noted his wish that his text might be a sort of bridge connecting the isolated islands of Christianity.[54] However grandiose the intentions, Lewis remained realistic in his assessment of the possibility of complete unity. Reunion was his hope and he sought to build bridges for its possible occurrence; however he could not conceive of how it could be accomplished.[55] Macdonald and Shea summarize Lewis’s position succinctly: “He believed that the key for each Christian was to go to the heart of his own communion while simultaneously locking arms with other Christians to fight the real enemy of unbelief. Analogously, during World War II, the various Allies united to fight a common enemy. Yet the French remained the French and the English remained English.”[56]

Despite his misgivings about denominationalism, Lewis still sought to direct converts to various denominational local assemblies. His famous illustration is that of a hallway with many doors. The hallway represents MC and its essential tenets. The rooms branching from the hallway represent different denominations. Lewis maintained, “If I can bring anyone into the hall I have done what I attempted. But it is in the rooms, not in the hall, that there are fires and chairs and meals. The hall is a place to wait in, a place from which to try the various doors, not a place to live in.”[57] Lewis never sought to establish a hallway church. Mere Christianity was not designed to establish a new community of saints united in Spirit and divided in doctrine.

How exactly does one determine which room (denomination) is right for him? Lewis believes the answer is that one must pray for direction and visit the rooms (i.e., the churches) until the Lord confirms his direction. As a test case, Susie listens to the broadcasts on BBC and is convinced of the truth. She determines to follow the Lord, so she prays that the Lord would lead her to the right church. Lewis warns that Susie should not pick the one with the nicest padded chairs or the one with the most expensive sound equipment. Susie should not ask, “Do I like that kind of service,” but she should ask “Are these doctrines true: Is there holiness there? Does my conscience move me towards this? Is my reluctance to knock at this door due to my pride, or my mere taste, or my personal dislike of this particular door-keeper?”[58] Evidently, Lewis was not concerned with which denomination his readers (and listeners) joined. His concern was only that they entered through the main hall into one of the rooms.

Lewis’s carefree attitude towards denominational choice was grounded in his belief that denominations were groups of Mere Christians with additional beliefs. In the letter to H. Lyman Stebbins, Lewis stated, “In one sense, there is no such thing as Anglicanism.”[59] Lewis’s basis for this startling admission is that men “are committed to believing…whatever can be proved from Scripture.”[60] Since many different denominations share the one Scripture, and each seeks to expound its teachings, Lewis assumed that they were unified even as they were divided. One can speak of Anglicanism, Catholicism, and Protestantism but he must keep in mind that he is speaking of a unified entity at the same time he is speaking of the diversity. For this reason, Lewis is unconcerned which particular communion a believer chooses. In the conclusion to his letter to Stebbins, who was seeking arguments in favor of Anglicanism over Catholicism, Lewis states, “Whichever you decide, good wishes.”[61] This statement may shock most Christians in the age of denominationalism; however, Lewis believed the unity of the Christian message surpassed the diversity found in its various expressions.

Baxter Vs. Lewis

In seeking to find the relation between MC and Christian apologetics, we have noted two great historical figures. Both men were successful in their respective ages in spreading the gospel of Jesus Christ. However, their understandings of MC were not the same. Though they share commonalities, there are some differences as well. In this section of the paper, we will flesh out the commonalities as well as the distinctions to determine if anything can be gleaned for effective Christian apologetics today.

Points Of Commonality

Historical Setting

Tumultuous historical circumstances thread together the lives of these two men. Lewis was fighting against the tide of naturalism, materialism, and liberalism that was sweeping through his country after two great World Wars. Baxter was fighting the onslaught of political factions, which were taking clerical garb. Each man’s unique situations brought the same problem: a weakening of religious conviction that threatened the integrity of Christ’s body.[62] Both Lewis and Baxter found a way to present the gospel to the world in the midst of these difficult times, and for this God can be thanked.

Bond Of Christianity

Another commonality between Baxter and Lewis can be gleaned from their respective house illustrations. Lewis believed that MC was the hallway of a house where the various rooms are connected. Though Christians find their fullest expression of Christian belief in the individual rooms, nevertheless, there was a common hall. Baxter’s house illustration is quite similar. Speaking to those who are

so solicitous to know which is the true church among all the parties in the world that pretend to it…you runne up and downe from room to room to find the house; and you ask, Is the Parlour it, or is the Hall it, or is the Kitchin, or the cole-house it? Why everyone is part of it, and all the rooms make up the house.[63]

A few lines later Baxter gives the interpretation:

Which is the Catholic church? Why, no part is the whole. Is it the Protestants, the Calvinists, or Lutherans, the papists, the Greeks, the Ethiopians? Or which is it? Why, it is never an one of them, but all together, that are truly Christians, good Lord![64]

Thus, we find that both Baxter and Lewis held that there was a significant treasure of commonality among those who are denominationally divided Christians.

Points Of Dissension

Denominationalism

Though both Baxter and Lewis viewed Christianity as a common house, what they believed should be done in the house is quite different. Lewis believed that the individual rooms were the places of rest. It is there that the tables and chairs exist and where men ought to migrate as quickly as they can. New converts should dedicate themselves to a particular denomination as soon as they could. Baxter, on the other hand, believed the rooms in the house should be boarded up.[65] The tables, food, and chairs should be moved into the hallway, so that there would be no visible disunity amongst God’s people. Both men agreed that when the house was originally built there was only the common hall, and both agreed that it was through sin and human fault the rooms were individually built. However, their solutions to the problem were opposite one another.

John Frame, in Evangelical Reunion, suggests something close to Baxter’s ideal. Frame outlines a strategy for eliminating denominationalism and establishing a post-denominational phase in church history.[66] Baxter’s and Frame’s ideas have always had poor reception in the church. The idea sounds attractive and is grounded in Scriptural commendation towards unity. However, the issues that divide denominations are not easily solved—especially since most of the issues are argued from the text of Scripture. For instance, how could baptism be administered in a post-denominational (PD) church? How would the church be led individually and universally? What place would tradition, Scripture, and spiritual gifts have in a PD church?[67] These questions are not matters of unimportance, and many of them affect the way one views the essentials of the faith. It is for these reasons that various denominations exist in the first place, and without clear objective criteria for how the issues are to be resolved, PD Christianity will have to wait until Christ returns.

Lewis had determined denominationalism was a necessary evil. Presumably, Lewis recognized that the issues that divided Christians were significant enough to prevent complete union. If so, Lewis believed divisions were an unfortunate byproduct of current human limitation. Instead of warring over the differences, Lewis suggests that Christians accept them as differences. Christians should live in their own rooms; however they should gather often in the common hall to fight against the common enemy.

Overall, Lewis’s approach to the denominational question is superior to the approach of Baxter. First, Lewis accepts depravity and the consequence that even the saints will not be fully agreed on important matters of the faith. Second, Baxter’s conception leaves too many difficult issues unresolved. And finally, Baxter’s anti-denominational vision has never been shown to work. In Kidderminster, where Baxter ministered, he boasted, “I know not of an Anabaptist, or Socinian, or Arminian, or Quaker, or Separatist, or any such sect in the town where I live; except half a dozen Papists that never heard me.”[68] Undoubtedly Baxter believed he had accomplished a PD type of community. However, others looked at his work and instead of identifying it as PD, they called it Baxterianism.[69] Decisions in Kidderminster had to be made about church government, mode of baptism, and like issues. When those have been made, no matter the intention, a distinctive group of Christians has naturally arisen. Thus, PD Christianity is a noble goal, but it cannot be accomplished without a crystal-clear, objective means of determining all ecclesiastical questions.[70]

Essential Beliefs Of Mere Christians

Neither Baxter nor Lewis was as explicit as he could have been concerning the content of MC. However, we saw that Baxter was much more thorough than Lewis. What is immediately obvious is that both Lewis and Baxter speak highly of tradition. As they look into the tomes of church history they find a continuity of belief and doctrine from the apostles to their own day. They believe that Christ passed the truth to his people and the truth was never lost to the ages. Thus, they share a common conviction of the holistic unity of the church. Both men also gave Scripture priority over tradition. In sum, Baxter and Lewis essentially have much the same criteria for determining the content of MC.

But if this is the case, then why is there such a discrepancy of belief concerning the Roman Catholic Church? Lewis has sometimes been hailed as a defender of Roman Catholic doctrine. For instance, Peter Milward notes, “Not a few Catholics, on reading his books about Christianity, have formed the impression that there was no difference in doctrine between him and themselves.”[71] On the other hand, Catholics lament the fact that Lewis chose to use a term from Baxter, an anti-Catholic Puritan.[72] Why, if they held to similar beliefs about MC did they differ so greatly on the matter of the Roman Catholic Church?

Perhaps Baxter was merely a product of his own time and circumstances. He was born in anti-papal England only a few generations after the great tumult with Rome. But the same argument can be turned against Lewis. Could it be that Lewis was also a product of his time and circumstances? Many of his close associates were Roman Catholic, including many in the Inkling literature group.[73] Further, many would say that the denominational characteristics of the Anglican Church mirrored closely that of the Roman Catholic Church, so that Lewis might have been blinded to the real differences between the two religious establishments.

Overall, the difference between the men should not be explained solely in terms of environment. Instead, it will be argued that Baxter’s final requirement of a Mere Christian—undiluting addition—makes the significant difference. Again, that requirement argued that extra beliefs one holds should not bring the essential beliefs into question. Baxter argued for the invalidity of Roman Catholicism this way:

Since faction and tyranny, pride and covetousness, became the matters of the religion of too many, vice and selfish interest hath commanded them to change the rule of faith by their additions, and to make so much necessary to salvation, as is necessary to their affected universal dominion, and to their carnal ends…. He is the true catholic Christian that hath but one, even the Christian religion: and this is the case of the Protestants, who, casting off the additions of popery, adhere to the primitive simplicity and unity: if Papists, or any others, corrupt this religion with human additions and innovations, the great danger of these corruptions is, lest they draw them from the sound belief and serious practice of that ancient Christianity which we are all agreed in…. For he that truly believes all things that are essential to Christianity, and lives accordingly with serious diligence, hath the promise of salvation: and it is certain, that whatever error that man holds, it is either not inconsistent with true Christianity, or not practically, but notionally held, and so not inconsistent as held by him: for how can that be inconsistent which actually doth consist with it?[74]

Thus, the problem with Roman Catholicism is not that they did not hold to the doctrines of Christ, grace, or any number of other Christian beliefs; their problem is that their additions to Christianity bring the foundations into question. For this reason, Baxter believed that Roman Catholics could be true believers only in spite of Rome and not because of Rome.[75]

A second factor that divided Baxter and Lewis on the merits of the Roman Catholic Church concerned the priority of tradition to revelation. Baxter said of Scripture, “We take the Word of God for the Rule of our Faith, and the Law of the Church, sufficiently determining of all that is Standing, Universal Necessity or Duty, in order to Salvation.”[76] Baxter’s overriding concern for the teaching of Scripture is evident in his distaste for creeds. He spoke of the “vanity, yea the sinfulness of men’s undertaking to determine by canons what God thought not fit to determine in his Laws.”[77] While Lewis would have agreed with Baxter concerning the priority of Scripture,[78] Lewis seems to have a greater and deeper concern for tradition than Baxter. Joseph Pearce, a Roman Catholic, recognized that Lewis’s “conception of ‘mere Christianity’ was far more ‘Catholic,’ in its sacramentalism and in its defence of ecclesiastical tradition, than would be tolerable to the typical Presbyterian or low-church Calvinist.”[79]

Overall, it appears that Lewis was not willing to critically evaluate the theology of Roman Catholicism. No doubt, Lewis’s relationships with those in the Roman Catholic Church partly explain this phenomenon. Further, the commonalities between Catholicism and an evangelical protestant Christianity are replete, and Lewis’s appreciation for the argument from the unity of the faith may have prevented him from seeing the implications of Roman Catholic doctrine for the historic Christian faith.[80] Essentially, however, the problem is much deeper than these previous two points. Lewis failed to recognize the chasm between those whose primary trust is in tradition and those whose primary trust is in Scripture. Since he believed the chasm to be only a minor fault line,[81] Lewis proposed that Catholics and Protestants could join together and fight the common enemy of unbelief. He underestimated the potential that Roman Catholic doctrine could itself be a form of unbelief.

Lewis’s failure to present a harmony between Catholics and Evangelicals is not only evident from the Evangelical side. Roman Catholic writers have likewise noted that his attempt was faulty:

It is…a little ironic that [Lewis’s] ‘mere Christianity’ intended as a via media or centre ground of traditional Christianity, is embraced by two such diverse theological traditions [i.e. Catholics and Evangelical Protestants].…. It is clear that Protestants have to reach beyond their own beliefs if they are to embrace fully the beliefs of Lewis…. Catholics, on the other hand, are faced with the absence in Lewis’s ‘mere Christianity’ of certain doctrines that are central to the faith as taught by the Church. In other words, for a faithful Catholic, Lewis’s ‘mere Christianity’ is deficient; it is less Christian than the Church.[82]

Joseph Pearce recognizes in Lewis’s MC that, in seeking middle ground, Lewis has abandoned his only ground. In the end, one must choose which is primary—tradition or Scripture. The Roman Catholic Church for its part has chosen tradition. The Evangelical Church has chosen Scripture. There is no middle ground. Baxter saw this, but Lewis appears to have missed it.

Mere Christianity And Christian Apologetics

We can be thankful for the gospel work of the two Christian apologists C. S. Lewis and Richard Baxter. And the best we can do for their memory is to learn from their work, and if possible, improve on it. In that light, Lewis and Baxter provide for us a few lessons about the intersection of MC and Christian apologetics.

First, modern apologists should emphasize the unity of the gospel in Christ. Both Baxter and Lewis recognized unity as a powerful argument for Christianity, and they recognized disunity as a potential argument against Christianity. If we are to emphasize unity, those who seek to advance the gospel of Christ in our generation need to be able to clearly distinguish the doctrinal essentials that divide those within God’s flock from those who remain outside the flock. Because there will be unregenerate members within orthodox congregations, it is not possible to definitively know the elect from the non-elect. Here it is merely suggested that the apologist should know the theological boundaries of Christian orthodoxy.[83]

The second lesson we can learn is uniquely drawn from Lewis. He argued that Christian denominationalism will not be extinguished this side of eternity. Members of God’s church must not remain in the welcoming hallway; instead, they must move to a room. The rooms are where doctrinal commitments are made and where fellowship centered on a shared understanding of God and his Word resides. Of course, the key is to recognize which rooms are attached to the welcoming hallway. Only those rooms that share the commonality of the gospel as presented in the Word of God have a right to the hall.

Third, in order to provide solid theological boundaries, a more robust delineation of the qualifications of a Mere Christian is required. This lesson is Baxter’s unique contribution to MC and Christian apologetics. Lewis is faulted for finding too much commonality where the differences were significant. Baxter, due to his focus on the Word of God as the primary authority, was able to establish a more specific standard.[84] Further, Baxter’s principle of undiluting addition is exceedingly important. If one’s doctrine brings the essential elements of the Christian message into question, his belief in the essentials must be questioned. The advantage of this principle for Christian apologetics is manifest, for if the standard of belief is firmly established, then the enemy of unbelief can be recognized—whatever form it takes.

Baxter’s contribution provides us with a tension, however. While there are clear boundaries for orthodox Christianity, there are not clear boundaries for discerning what additional beliefs dilute or do not dilute the foundational beliefs. That is, how do we determine whether an additional belief brings the foundational beliefs into question? For instance, does belief in one’s entrance into the covenant community by pedobaptism challenge the gospel of grace? Does the doctrine of baptismal regeneration serve as a dilution to the doctrine of conversion, a central aspect of the gospel?[85] Does belief in dispensationalism embrace multiple paths to salvation, challenging the uniqueness of Christ?[86] Does openness to modern prophetic utterance challenge the finished Scriptures and therefore the basis of the fundamental Christian doctrines?[87] Lewis never saw this tension because he did not fully consider the role of additional beliefs. Baxter never sought to solve the dilemma. Instead, while he declared Roman Catholic doctrine as a dilution of the essentials of the Christian message, he did not present an exhaustive method on how one could determine whether a belief dilutes the essential beliefs.

Where does this leave us? Both Lewis and Baxter argued that the existence of the common hall is a powerful apologetic argument for Christianity. But Lewis has shown us that because of important differences, the hallway cannot be the church. And Baxter showed us that we must be careful to discern who is actually in the common hall. Ultimately, Lewis and Baxter agreed that there is a common hall, but they did not agree with who was in the common hall. This ultimately shows the difficulty of the concept of MC. Many agree that there is such a thing as MC, but not all agree concerning the content of the concept. Can we move forward towards a fully defined MC? If two thousand years of church history has failed to reach a consensus, there may be little hope this side of eternity.

In conclusion, with the historical background we have just established let us look more broadly at the intersection of MC and Christian apologetics. There are two reasons to question how much MC can aid Christian apologetics. First, as noted above, Christians disagree about the content of MC. If we are to hinge our apologetic on defending this concept, we must have a more secure definition of what it includes and what it excludes. Our second concern is more foundational. The ultimate goal of the apologist is not merely the communication of the essentials; it must also include discipleship (Matt 28:18-20).[88] The danger of Lewis’s approach is that those who hear only the essentials may subsequently embrace positions that bring those essentials into question.[89] Further, Jesus charged his disciples to teach all things not only the basic things. Lewis noted his own apologetic goal in Mere Christianity: “If I can bring anyone into the hall I have done what I attempted.” Nevertheless, Lewis maintains, “it is in the rooms, not in the hall, that there are fires and chairs and meals.”[90] But if so, the goal of the apologist-disciple should be to bring the unbeliever both into the hall and into the right room.

Notes

  1. Dr. Miller is Assistant Professor of Systematic Theology and Bible Exposition at Detroit Baptist Theological Seminary in Allen Park, MI.
  2. Duncan Sprague, “The Unfundamental C. S. Lewis,” Mars Hill Review (1995): 53-63.
  3. From an interview reported in Joseph Pearce, C. S. Lewis and the Catholic Church (San Francisco: Ignatius Press, 2003), 131.
  4. C. S. Lewis, Mere Christianity (San Francisco: HarperCollins, 2001), ix.
  5. MC will stand for the idea while Mere Christianity will be reserved for the title of the work by Lewis.
  6. John G. West, “Richard Baxter and the Origin of ‘Mere Christianity,’” Discovery Institute, last modified 1996, accessed 29 July 2015, http://www.discovery.org/a/460.
  7. Quoted in ibid.
  8. Lewis cites Baxter as the source of the concept, but Lewis does not develop the connection between his use of the term and Baxter’s use of the term (Lewis, Mere Christianity, ix).
  9. Of course, in light of what was said above, it is possible that Lewis misunderstood Baxter’s position. It is more likely, however, that Lewis embraced some elements of Baxter’s MC and appropriated other aspects on the basis of his own historical context.
  10. Pearce, C. S. Lewis and the Catholic Church, 118.
  11. Pearce doubts the depth of Baxter’s ecumenism because Baxter did not support the Act of Uniformity, which was designed to bring unity among Christians. How can Baxter pursue ecumenism and yet work against an act that would bring unity? The answer lies in Baxter’s strong position on the role of religious conscience. Baxter desired a church united without coercion. Since the Act of Uniformity demanded all preachers become Anglicans to preach, Baxter was obliged to leave his post. This was not in spite of Baxter’s ecumenism, but because of his ecumenism (ibid.).
  12. See N. H. Keeble, “C. S. Lewis, Richard Baxter, and ‘Mere Christianity,’” Christianity and Literature 30 (1981): 10, 28.
  13. N. H. Keeble, Richard Baxter, Puritan Man of Letters (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1982), 22.
  14. Richard Baxter, Church-history of the Government of Bishops and their Councils (London: John Kidgell, 1680), xv, accessed 29 July 2015, https://archive.org/details/ churchhistoryofg00baxt.
  15. Quoted in Keeble, “C. S. Lewis, Richard Baxter,” 29.
  16. Keeble, Richard Baxter, 23.
  17. Richard Baxter, The Practical Works of Richard Baxter (London: Paternoster Row, 1830), 8:358-59.
  18. Ibid., 8:470.
  19. We should add one caveat: Baxter did not say that a Christian should join any congregation in worship. If the congregation worshipped in a fashion that imposed sin upon the worshipper (e.g., Roman Catholic communion), then it should be avoided (ibid., 4:537).
  20. Ibid., 8:468-69, emphasis added.
  21. Richard Baxter, Select Practical Writings of Richard Baxter: With a Life of the Author (London: Durrie & Peck, 1831), 1:115.
  22. Baxter, The Practical Works, 16:393.
  23. West, “Richard Baxter and the Origin of ‘Mere Christianity.’”
  24. Baxter, The Practical Works, 7:475.
  25. Ibid., 8:476.
  26. Ibid., 16:491.
  27. Ibid., 8:476.
  28. Ibid.
  29. Keeble, “C. S. Lewis, Richard Baxter,” 32.
  30. As cited ibid.
  31. Baxter, The Practical Works, 7:476.
  32. Keeble, “C. S. Lewis, Richard Baxter,” 27.
  33. N. H. Keeble notes the striking continuity between the two great Christian apologists: “Each man was confronted by a significant break with the Christian tradition of the past and a consequent weakening of the authority and influence of the church. Baxter had to face the divisiveness and contentiousness consequent upon England’s protracted and uncertain Reformation, Lewis the disillusion and apostasy which followed the two world wars” (ibid., 28).
  34. Michael H. Macdonald and Mark P. Shea, “Saving Sinners and Reconciling Churches,” in The Pilgrim’s Guide: C. S. Lewis and the Art of Witness, ed. David Mills (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1998), 47-48.
  35. Lewis, Mere Christianity, xi.
  36. Ibid., viii-ix.
  37. “I am a very ordinary layman of the church of England, not especially ‘high,’ nor especially ‘low,’ nor especially anything else” (ibid., viii).
  38. Ibid., ix.
  39. Ibid., viii.
  40. Walter Hooper, C. S. Lewis: A Companion & Guide (San Francisco: Harper, 1996), 295-96.
  41. Actually, it was first broadcast as a radio publication, then later developed into a book.
  42. C. S. Lewis, “Introduction,” in St. Athanasius: The Incarnation of the Word of God (Bedford, NY: Fig Press, 2012), 4.
  43. Lewis, Mere Christianity, ix.
  44. Ibid.
  45. And though it is only implicit, Lewis appears to suggest that one must also believe that Jesus, as the Son of God, is God incarnate.
  46. Lewis, Mere Christianity, xii.
  47. This quotation does not come from Mere Christianity, nor does it mention the word mere; nevertheless, Lewis’s statement comes in a context where he is encouraging church leaders to defend the Christian faith. In that context, he tells them not to defend their peculiar beliefs, but to defend historic Christianity. In Mere Christianity he is following the advice he gave to these church leaders (C. S. Lewis, God in the Dock: Essays on Theology and Ethics [Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1970], 90).
  48. Ibid.
  49. Steven P. Mueller, “Beyond Mere Christianity,” Christian Research Journal 27 (2004), accessed 29 July 2015, http://www.equip.org/articles/beyond-mere-christianity.
  50. H. Lyman Stebbins, “Correspondence with C. S. Lewis,” Catholics Education Resource Center, last modified 1998, accessed 29 July 2015, http://www.catholiceducation.org/ en/religion-and-philosophy/apologetics/correspondence-between-c-s-lewis-and-h-lyman-stebbins.html.
  51. Lewis, Mere Christianity, xii.
  52. Lewis, God in the Dock, 60.
  53. Translated from the French introduction to the Problem of Pain in Hooper’s text (Hooper, C. S. Lewis, 296).
  54. Lewis, Mere Christianity, xi.
  55. Will Vaus, Mere Theology: A Guide to the Thought of C. S. Lewis (Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press, 2004), 171.
  56. Macdonald and Shea, “Saving Sinners and Reconciling Churches,” 50.
  57. Lewis, Mere Christianity, xv.
  58. Ibid., xvi.
  59. Stebbins, “Correspondence with C. S. Lewis.”
  60. Ibid.
  61. Ibid.
  62. Keeble, “C. S. Lewis, Richard Baxter,” 27.
  63. Baxter, The Practical Works, 4:736.
  64. Ibid.
  65. One might believe it is a leap to move from Baxter’s criticism of separation within the body of Christ to his view that denominations should be “boarded up.” Two aspects of what has been stated before lead the present author to this view. First, Baxter sought to establish a local church body as an ideal for how local churches should function. As indicated earlier, Kidderminster did not have denominations, and Baxter was clearly proud of the achievement. Second, Baxter’s criticism of creeds suggests that any distinguishing mark of a particular group (e.g., a denomination) was destructive to the church. Combined, these two facts suggest that Baxter’s ultimate vision was for a church without denominational divisions.
  66. John M. Frame, Evangelical Reunion: Denominations and the One Body of Christ (Grand Rapids: Baker, 1991).
  67. Frame seeks to answer many of these questions in his text. To critique his arguments here is beyond the scope of this paper (see ibid.).
  68. Quoted from Nuttall, Richard Baxter, 64-65.
  69. Keeble, “C. S. Lewis, Richard Baxter,” 30.
  70. While the Scripture is certainly the objective authority on these issues, those who hold truly to the gospel of Christ disagree about its instruction. As long as man remains in this flesh, these questions will probably remain unresolved. If nearly two thousand years cannot resolve them, little hope is reserved for agreement this side of eternity.
  71. Peter Milward, A Challenge to C. S. Lewis (Madison-Teaneck, NJ: Fairleigh Dickinson University Press, 1995), 60.
  72. Ibid.
  73. J. R. R. Tolkien, Robert Havard, James Dundas-Grant, George Sayer, Gervase Mathew, and Christopher Tolkien were all part of the Inklings and were Roman Catholic. See Pearce, C. S. Lewis and the Catholic Church, 68, 132.
  74. West, “Richard Baxter and the Origin of ‘Mere Christianity,’” emphasis added.
  75. Baxter believed there were at least two ways a Christian could also be a Roman Catholic. First, he begrudgingly held the outward appearance, while his heart and mind held to true Christianity. Second, he could also hold Roman Catholic beliefs but not in his heart. Baxter calls this a notionally held belief. In either case, the Roman Catholic was no longer a Roman Catholic. See Richard Baxter, A Christian Directory, Or, A Body of Practical Divinity and Cases of Conscience: Christian Politics (or Duties to Our Rulers and Neighbours) (London: Richard Edwards, 1825), 263-65.
  76. Quoted in Keeble, Richard Baxter, 25.
  77. Ibid.
  78. While it is beyond the scope of this paper to examine Lewis’s view of divine revelation, it is important to note that Lewis did not hold to a classically orthodox understanding of Scripture. The role this played in his overall view of MC is fascinating, but cannot be investigated here. For more information on his view of Scripture see, Philip Ryken, “Inerrancy and the Patron Saint of Evangelicalism: C. S. Lewis on Holy Scripture,” in The Romantic Rationalist: God, Life, and Imagination in the Work of C. S. Lewis, ed. John Piper and David Mahtis (Wheaton: Crossway, 2014), 39-64.
  79. Pearce, C. S. Lewis and the Catholic Church, 63.
  80. For instance, see his introduction to the French translation of The Problem of Pain in Hooper, C. S. Lewis, 296-97.
  81. Lewis suggested that his fifteen-minute time limitation (on air radio presentation) was the only reason he could not present MC in a way that every Christian (including Protestants and Catholics) would agree to (see ibid., 306).
  82. Pearce, C. S. Lewis and the Catholic Church, 168.
  83. While some elect may be involved in non-orthodox religious groups (e.g., Baxter’s example of nominal Roman Catholic believers), they should be excluded from consideration of the breadth of orthodox Christian unity. This is because their inclusion would blur the boundaries for those with whom the Christian engages apologetically.
  84. Much more needs to be said about the qualifications of a MC. However, Baxter’s dependence on Scripture as the basis of MC is undoubtedly the place to start. To develop the qualifications more thoroughly is beyond the scope of this paper.
  85. See D. Patrick Ramsey, “Baptismal Regeneration and the Westminster Confession of Faith,” Confessional Presbyterian 4 (January 1, 2008): 183-91, an article dealing with the theology of the Westminster Confession of Faith and baptismal regeneration. The author suggests that while some hold to baptismal regeneration on the basis of the confession, the theology of the document does not support it.
  86. While dispensationalists have consistently refuted this claim, it continues to be offered as a critique. For instance, in a 2012 interview, Sinclair Ferguson mentioned, “There are dispensationalists who seem to believe that God has operated with different ways of salvation throughout biblical history” (“Theology Night with Sinclair Ferguson & R. C. Sproul,” 20 February 2012, accessed 21 March 2015, http://www.ligonier.org/ learn/conferences/ligonier_ webcast_archive/jan_20_2012/).
  87. Bruce Compton, “The Continuation of New Testament Prophecy and a Closed Canon: A Critique of Wayne Grudem’s Two Levels of New Testament Prophecy” (presented at the 64th meeting of the Evangelical Theological Society, Baltimore, 2013).
  88. While apologetics is designed to remove obstacles from the unbeliever hearing the gospel, the ultimate aim is conversion to Christian discipleship. Scripture provides no unique role to an apologist who merely converts people to a watered-down message. Instead, an apologist may intentionally train in the skill of removing those barriers, but this does not relieve him or her from the Great Commission obligation to disciple and teach all things God has communicated through his Word.
  89. For example, Mormons and Jehovah Witnesses claim to have the same hallway, and it is imperative that unbelievers be steered away from these sects.
  90. Lewis, Mere Christianity, xv.