Lutheranism In The Scottish Reformation

By W. Stanford Reid

McGill University, Montreal.

SCOTLAND in the eyes of many today is “naturally” Presbyterian. While there may be a few Episcopalians and some Catholics, Presbyterianism is regarded as characteristically Scottish. This opinion has developed largely from the common view that the Scottish Reformation was essentially a Calvinistic revolt against the medieval church. It is not generally realized that the Scottish Reformation commenced some years before Calvin had ever entered Geneva. But above all, the part that Lutheranism played in the Scottish religious change receives scant notice. Even Knox, who knew something of the importance of the Lutheran movement to Scotland, gives it practically no place in his history. It may be that this is the reason why little has been done to evaluate the part played by Lutheranism in the Scottish protestantism. In order to make up in a small way for this deficiency, the present article has been written.

When we come to a study of the roots and origins of Scottish protestantism, we are soon forced to take cognizance of the influence of Lutheran teachings. Only a few years after Luther’s first attack on papal indulgences, the German doctrines appeared in Scotland, and when they did there was a warm reception awaiting them. Thus Lutheranism became the match which fired the fuse leading to the powder-keg. It became the starting point for what was to be both a religious and political revolution. The influence of Luther, therefore, must always be taken into consideration when we attempt to make any evaluation of the Scottish Reformation.

The conditions in Scotland during the fifteenth century and the first quarter of the sixteenth prepared the way for early Lutheran inroads. For one thing, the condition of the church was such that even its most loyal supporters saw the need for reform. The clergy were exceedingly corrupt — ambition, pride, tyranny and greed being common characteristics.

Many bishoprics and abbacies had fallen into the hands of Scottish noble houses, with the result that they were nearly always filled by men appointed for political or economic reasons, rather than for the church’s welfare. This meant that the upper clergy were seldom interested in the good of the church.[1] Such an attitude was also current among the lower orders of the clergy who were grossly ignorant and none too moral.[2] A church with such ministers could have next to no influence upon as wild and lawless a people as the Scots. The clergy in general possessed little ability and had no desire either to instruct or to furnish an example to the flocks set under them. With a few exceptions, they seem to have lost the respect of most thinking men in the country. Consequently many in Scotland were seeking for both the teachings and examples which would meet the needs of their souls.

One movement which was already attempting to satisfy these desires was Lollardy. Since the early part of the fifteenth century, adherents of the Englishman, John Wycliffe, usually known as Lollards, had shown considerable activity in Scotland. Although they had been consistently persecuted, by the end of the century they had a rather respectable following in the southwest part of the country. Some of their number were actually members of the royal court. Emphasizing the use of the Scriptures in the vernacular and teaching Wycliffite doctrines, they helped to lay the groundwork for the Reformation. Thus when Lutheranism appeared, the Lollards gave it their ready support. They became some of the earliest protagonists of the new doctrines, while Ayrshire, the Scottish home of the Lollards, became the most fertile field for Lutheran sowing.[3]

Along with this direct help from Lollard elements, indirect preparation for Lutheranism was made by the political developments. During the fifteenth century there had been considerable conflict between the nobles and the church. The latter, possessing about one half of the country’s land, was determined to maintain its rights of ownership. The nobles, on the other hand, were striving by hook or by crook to appropriate church lands, or to obtain in full ownership lands which they held as tenants or vassals of the ecclesiastics. In this battle the pope, of course, supported the clergy, which did not endear him to the secular authorities. The result was considerable antagonism between the two groups.[4] This led frequently to complete indifference on the part of the laity to the condition and fate of the church. As long as they could retain what they already possessed of church lands they cared little for the condition of that body. Thus if a reformation would give them the opportunity to appropriate more of the ecclesiastical patrimony, they were quite willing to give such a movement their support. Thus, while a goodly number of the nobles supported the reform movement on grounds of principle, many others did so largely because of greed. In this way, the ground was being prepared for the introduction of Lutheran teaching.

Besides the above mentioned factors, there was another matter which is worthy of consideration. This was the unsettled condition of the country. A survey of the period 1500–1560 shows clearly that Scotland was a land of lawlessness. This meant that while the church might wish to persecute those holding heretical views, it would not be easy to do so. If the preachers of the new doctrines could find protectors amongst the lairds, it would be well-nigh impossible to bring them to trial. This was one of the reasons that protestantism was able to grow so strong while paying such a small price in martyrs. The church simply did not have the power to enforce its will.[5] This was a contributing factor in the increase in the numbers of those following the German monk of Wittenberg.

When we turn to a study of the early part of the sixteenth century we find that there was a number of ways by which Lutheran views might be transmitted to Scotland. One of the first which meets our attention is that of Scots students studying abroad. Around the year 1500, there were some sixty Scots at the University of Paris. Such a group would undoubtedly come into contact with the Lutheran teachings which reached the university by 1519 and which were condemned by it in 1521. Patrick Hamilton, the first Scottish Lutheran martyr, was at the University of Paris about this time; and there were doubtless others who were touched by the same influences.[6] But Scots found their way not only to Paris. In 1519 a certain John Nutrisen of the Diocese of St. Andrews was attending the University of Wittenberg, whither he was followed in 1524 by another Scot, Nicolas Botwyn.[7] Besides these men, from the middle of the fifteenth century Scots had attended the University of Cologne. Here, also, they would come into contact with the new doctrines. We find, for instance, that Henry Balnaves, later one of the leaders of the Reformation, was attending this institution around the year 1520.[8] Of these groups of students there were doubtless many who returned to Scotland imbued with the new doctrines. It was probably due to them that St. Leonard’s College at St. Andrews University so early became known as a center of heterodox thinking.

Along with the students another group must be credited with helping to import Lutheranism. This element was made up of merchants, both native and foreign. By the year 1500 Scotland had begun to develope as a trading country with interests in France, the Netherlands and the Baltic sea. From Dieppe and Rouen around the coastline to Copenhagen, Lübeck, Königsberg and Danzig the Scots plied their trade. Some had even settled down in these ports, becoming naturalized citizens of their respective towns. At the same time a very considerable number of foreigners were bringing their goods to Scottish ports.[9] It was only natural, therefore, that this interchange of goods should lead to a corresponding interchange of ideas. As Calderwood says, “merchants and marines who heard the true doctrines preached, and the vanities of Popish religion openlie discovered were no idle instruments in advancing religion”.[10] Because of this it is not surprising that the most notorious centers of heretical propaganda were the east coast ports of Dundee, Aberdeen, Leith and Edinburgh. The entrepôts of trade quite naturally became centers for dissemination of Lutheran views.

The first agents of the reform movement to come under the eyes of the civil and ecclesiastical authorities were of foreign origin, alien merchants frequenting the Scottish ports. They were evidently smuggling in Lutheran literature, although we are not told what it was. In order to stop this activity a law was enacted in the year 1525 against strangers and foreigners who imported heretical books. Nor were these aliens to be permitted to discuss the new doctrines as long as they remained within the country. Three weeks later the Bishop of Aberdeen gave this law effect by instructing all the sheriffs in his diocese to seek out those possessing Lutheran works. Anyone found with them was to suffer the confiscation of all his goods. Yet even this law was ineffectual. In 1527 we find the earlier statute repeated with the addition that natives favoring heresy were to be punished according to the law. The Scots themselves were apparently showing too much enthusiasm for religious innovations. This view is supported by a statement of John Hackett to Wolsey in the same year. He reported that Scottish merchants in Veere were shipping copies of the New Testament in English (probably Tyndale’s translation) to Leith and Edinburgh.[11] In this way, Lutheranism was gaining a foothold.

In spite of the appearance of the written word and the work of those living in or visiting the country, something more was needed. This was the voice of the preacher. The man destined to fill this position was Patrick Hamilton, brother of the Laird of Kincavil and distantly related to the Scottish royal house. Hamilton was born sometime around the year 1500 for by 1520 he was a Master of Arts from Paris. He was thus apparently a student at that great university when the Lutheran beliefs were first discussed within its halls. Leaving Paris about this time, he seems to have gone to Louvain where fierce debates were likewise raging over the new theology. From the rejoicing of the Louvain faculty later on over Hamilton’s martyrdom, it may be that while at that university he had supported the views of the German reformer. Of this, however, we cannot be certain, although we can take for granted that he was, by now, well acquainted with Luther’s views.[12]

By 1523 Hamilton was back in Scotland, registered at the University of St. Andrews. There he remained for three years, during which time he was ordained as a priest, and, even more important, accepted the teachings of the German reform movement. By 1526 he was known to be a convinced Lutheran. Thereupon Archbishop James Beaton took action against him, but Hamilton escaped to the continent, arriving shortly afterwards in Wittenberg. With two companions, John Hamilton of Linlithgow and George Wynram of Edinburgh, he reached Luther’s city before May 1527. After a short stay he went on to Marburg where Philip of Hesse was opening his new protestant university. There he came in contact with some of the earliest English exiles such as Tyndale and Frith. While staying at Marburg, on the suggestion of one of the professors, Francis Lambert, he wrote a series of propositions for academic disputation. These were later published by Frith as “Patrick’s Places”, and set forth Hamilton’s theological views. From a study of them it is easy to see how thoroughly this young Scot had been impregnated with Lutheran teaching.[13]

Hamilton, however, was not content to stay in Germany, and by the end of 1527 he was back in Scotland. Here he preached for a short time in the neighborhood of Linlithgow, choosing this region, no doubt, because his brother was the sheriff of that shire. But within a few months powerful opposition to him had arisen in the person of Archbishop Beaton. Hamilton was invited to appear in St. Andrews for a discussion of matters theological. To this he agreed, although he had an idea of what would be the outcome; nor was he left long in doubt. After discussing his beliefs with a number of the clergy of St. Andrews, he was arrested and tried for heresy. The accusations against him numbered thirteen. Of these, Hamilton acknowledged the first seven to be true, while, regarding the other six, he said that he had never heard them disproved. Those accepted by him formed a fairly accurate statement of the doctrine of justification by faith. The remaining six were mainly denials of the church’s authority and sacraments. That there could be only one consequence of Hamilton’s avowal was obvious. Found guilty of “maintaining diverse heresies of Martine Luther and his followers”, he was condemned to death. The next day he was burned at the stake, the first of the sixteenth century Scottish martyrs.[14]

While Archbishop Beaton had successfully silenced the first outstanding proponent of Lutheran views in Scotland, he was not able to stop the spread of that heresy. Hamilton’s preaching was too effective for his message to be easily forgotten. One man, John Andrew Duncan, son of the Laird of Airdrie, and a Lollard, had actually tried to rescue him from prison, but failed.[15] Even more important, a number of the clergy with whom Hamilton talked had been much impressed by his reasoning. Moreover, his martyrdom made people ask why he had suffered such punishment. These questionings brought Hamilton’s views more clearly into the open. Instead of stopping controversy, his death seems only to have stimulated it.[16]

One of those most immediately influenced by Hamilton was a canon of St. Andrews, Alexander Alane, later known as Alesius. By means of dialectic reasoning he had attempted to bring Hamilton back to Roman Catholicism before his death. The result of the conference was, however, that Alesius accepted Hamilton’s views. Shortly after the martyr’s death, Alesius attacked the immoral lives of the clergy with such vigor that his prior, notoriously profligate, had him imprisoned. From this plight he was rescued by his fellow canons who sent him off to the continent. Never again did he set foot in Scotland, but devoted himself to academic work in Germany. Later on he became an exponent of Lutheran theology, and obtained a considerable reputation both in Leipzig and Frankfurt.[17]

Alesius was not the only member of the Austin Canons who was affected by Hamilton’s preaching. John Fife of the same order was obliged to seek safety along with Alesius.[18] Even more important than those who left, were those who remained behind such as Gavin Logie, senior canon of St. Andrews and regent of St. Leonard’s College. Under his guidance and protection, both in the cathedral chapter and in the college, Lutheran views were expounded freely. Indeed, so obnoxious did the teachings of St. Leonard’s become to the authorities, that Logie himself, in 1534, had to seek safety in exile.[19] What is more, from St. Andrews the new doctrines spread to the other twenty-eight houses of the Augustinians. Before long, Cambuskenneth Abbey was riddled with heresy, some of the brethren having to fly the country.[20] The Dominicans also provided their quota of heretics, one of the earliest being Alexander Seton, formerly the king’s confessor.[21] Thus within a very short time after Hamilton’s death, Lutheranism had obtained a large body of adherents in two of the country’s most powerful monastic orders, and in one of the leading educational institutions. It was beginning to look as though Lutheranism might eventually succeed in displacing the old church.

During the four years subsequent to Hamilton’s death, little vigorous opposition to Lutheranism was manifest. Individuals were prosecuted, but such action was spasmodic. In 1532, however, Archbishop Beaton opened a concentrated drive against the adherents of the German heretic. For the next two years everything possible was done to destroy them or make them recant. The fact that the bishops of Brechin and Ross were both involved in this effort would seem to show how widely the heresies were spread.[22]

In connection with this period of persecution the records show something of the class relations of the heretics. We find that most of those accused of theological error came either from the towns or from among the nobility. Dundee, Linlithgow, Leith and Edinburgh were especially noted for the error of their ways, some of their citizens even paying for their tenets with their lives. Amongst the nobility, Sir James Hamilton of Kincavil, brother of Patrick, was accused of holding Lutheran views and had to seek refuge in England. John Erskine, Laird of Dun, was also known to be a heretic, but he was a little too powerful to be openly attacked.[23] Along with these men were three lawyers, William Johnston, Thomas Bellen of Auchinoul, Henry Balnaves of Halhill.[24] Thus by 1535 Lutheranism was apparently gaining ground rapidly amongst the more active and intelligent portion of the population.

Throughout this period, the importation of Lutheran books was continuing. While we do not know what most of these were like, we have one good example in John Gau’s The Richt Vay to the Kingdom of Hevine.[25] A translation of a Swedish Lutheran work by Christiern Pedersen, it was published in Malmö in 1533. So far as we can tell, only one copy of this work is still extant, showing how hard it was to preserve such books in the days of persecution. Developed along catechetical lines, Gau’s work is a typically Lutheran production, emphasizing strongly the doctrines of justification by faith and the priesthood of believers. It is probably typical of many of the importations.

Works such as that of Gau were a continual source of worry to the Scottish clergy. They felt that greater severity should be shown in dealing with those holding Lutheran opinions. From Rome in 1532 legates had come to strengthen James V’s resolutions and to make sure that he would not follow Henry of England’s example by falling “into the pudle of lutheran heresie”.[26] This may have been the reason for the sudden increase in the persecution of the protestants. It remained, however, to the Scottish clergy themselves to take effective action. In the early part of the year 1534 they presented a memorandum to the king asking that acts against the Lutherans be extended, and that the king “caus diligent inquisition be maid baith be spirituall and temporale for distroing of thir new bukis maid be the said Lutheris sectis baith in Latyne, Scottis, Inglis and Flemys”. Judges criminal should be placed in all towns to aid the spiritual authorities. In this way anyone harboring Lutherans coming from other countries or concealing their books would be effectively punished. Action was also requested against the numerous friars who had apostatized and fled the country.

To this communication James showed immediate favour. He notified the Lords of the Council that Lutheran books were being imported in large numbers via Leith, Edinburgh, Dundee, St. Andrews, Montrose, Aberdeen and Kirkcaldy. Something had to be done by the authorities to stop this practice. In this the council acquiesced, and issued orders to all town authorities that they were to see that no disputing concerning Lutheran doctrines and no owning of Lutheran books were permitted. All places of entertainment were to be inspected in order that this law might be properly obeyed.[27] One month later, parliament likewise instituted measures to curtail the spread of heresy by re-enacting the law of 1527 against Lutheranism, adding this time “any uther heresy with new addiciouns”. Luther’s teachings were to be discussed in the schools only; and anyone possessing Lutheran books was to deliver them to the ordinary within forty days.[28] By these means, it was hoped, heresy would be curtailed if not completely eradicated.

If the powers spiritual and temporal thought that they had now put a stop to the spread of heresy they were faced with a great disappointment. The church’s increasing efforts to trace down and punish those rejecting her teachings is an indication of the laws’ failure. During the period 1534–1540 there is an even greater number of prosecutions for heresy. Many recanted while others were convicted, and either fined or burned.[29] Yet in spite of all their efforts the numbers of heretics seemed only to increase.

That the heretical ideas which were having such a wide effect upon the people at this time were Lutheran is not stated directly. They may have been largely concerned with opposition to the practices of the church, rather than an expression of an opposing system of doctrine. Nevertheless, it would seem that Lutheran teachings were at the base of the trouble, for the possession of heretical books entered continually into the charges of heresy. Even here, however, we cannot make too sweeping a statement as we find that some of the forbidden publications were “Inglis bukis”.[30] Yet, it would seem probable that when the clergy lumped all heresy under the title of “Lutheran” they were not far off the track. The Swiss theologians do not seem to have been spreading their works so far afield as Scotland, at this time; nor does Henry VIII seem to have yet devised the plan of using religious propaganda for his own political purposes. Moreover, that Scottish refugees were still seeking Wittenberg as their spiritual home would seem to indicate that most of their inspiration came from that center. Thus even as late as 1540 Lutheranism still dominated the scene as “the heresy”.

It is well to pause at this point to see that Lutheranism was still spreading in the same social groups. Besides the clergy, to whom reference has already been made, the German heresy had gained large numbers of adherents among other classes. The merchants of the eastern sea-coast towns were particularly noted for their heterodox views, while holding a close second place were the middle class elements in Ayr and Kirkcudbright. But they were by no means alone. A considerable section of the nobility, led by such men as the earls of Glen-cairn and Errol, and William, Lord Ruthven, became a veritable spearhead of Lutheran attack. Lorimer has given a very considerable list of the noble families who took part in the early spread of the new ideas. They were to be found in Angus and Mearns, Perthshire, Fifeshire, Ayrshire, Stirlingshire and Lothian.[31] Thus by 1540 there was a strong body of opinion in favour of following the example of Henry VIII who had but recently removed the pope from his rule over the English church, and who had closed down the English monasteries. Others also gave their support to such an idea, hoping that they would be able to make a profit out of an imitation of the English king’s policy.

Partly as a result of this development, Henry now asked James for an interview at the city of York. The clergy, however, feared lest the conference’s purpose be the destruction of Scottish monasticism. They persuaded the Scottish king, therefore, to stay at home, promising him that he would find it more profitable to prosecute the protestant lords than to heed Henry’s siren suggestions concerning the Scottish monasteries. To encourage him in so worthy a project, they actually supplied James with a list of some hundred nobles who might be convicted. Although the king was dissuaded from such a suicidal attempt against the nobility, he refused to meet Henry in conference. Furthermore, under clerical influence he decided to attack England.[32] The result was absolute disaster for Scotland, as her troops were soundly beaten at Solway Moss. From this defeat James never recovered but died shortly afterwards, leaving his small daughter, Mary, as heir to the crown.

With James’s decease, political dissension became strong in the land. The Earl of Arran, a Hamilton and, after Mary, heir to the throne, seized the regency, imprisoning Cardinal David Beaton who had attempted to gain control of the country. As Arran favoured cooperation with England he entered immediately into plans for the marriage of Mary to Henry’s young son Edward.[33] He also showed great enthusiasm for the reformers. Already regarded as a protestant, he had even been included in the clergy’s list of proscribed nobles. Great freedom of preaching was now permitted, the regent even employing protestant chaplains in his own household.[34] It looked as though the Reformation were almost completed; and if that had been the case, it is probable that Scotland would have been a Lutheran rather than a Calvinistic country.

One indication of the changed point of view is the law of 1543 permitting the reading of the Scriptures in the vernacular. In 1533 the clergy had succeeded in having such a practice condemned.[35] With a protestant regent in control, however, the nobles led by Lord Ruthven and Henry Balnaves, both committed to Lutheran views, persuaded parliament to permit the use of the vernacular Scriptures. The clergy of course opposed such a statute, but without success.[36] Despite their efforts, the law was enacted, thus giving a further stimulus to the spread of heresy throughout the country.

This favourable condition of affairs, however, did not long continue. In April 1543, one month after the enactment of the law regarding the reading of the Bible, there arrived in Scotland John Hamilton, Abbot of Paisley, and half-brother of the regent. He immediately set himself to win Arran back to the side of the old church. In this he was successful. By June statutes were put into effect against “sclanderous billis, writtings, ballatis and bukis”, while all disputes on matters of faith were forbidden. Those guilty of publishing or printing “diffamatouris and sclanderous” works were liable to death and confiscation of goods. In September the regent was back in the Roman fold, having dismissed his protestant advisers both spiritual and temporal, and had reconciled himself to Cardinal Beaton who now became the virtual ruler of Scotland.[37]

Beaton’s rise to power meant the revival of anti-protestant measures. As the leader of the pro-French, Roman Catholic party he was determined that the heretical pro-English group would be destroyed. It was doubtless due to his influence that the weak-willed Earl of Arran now began to encourage the clergy to seek out heretics and their conventicles.[38] It may also have been due to his activity that ecclesiastical corporations in granting lands to vassals or tenants now required them to promise to defend the liberties of the church. But even more important than these measures, Beaton now sent out inquisitors of heretical pravity to search for and bring to trial all holders of erroneous opinions.[39]

The church was now becoming desperate. Beaton in person toured the diocese of St. Andrews to try the most stubborn offenders. These were found principally in Dundee, Perth and the district of Angus and Mearns. While some of those convicted suffered the penalty of death, such punishments apparently had little deterrent effect upon others. As early as October 1543, some 5000 or 6000 men prepared themselves to destroy all the monasteries around Edinburgh. The same month Cardinal Grimani was forced to admit that Scotland “was divided on account of the Lutherans, whose errors had become disseminated throughout almost the whole country since the death of the king”. He feared greatly that unless something were done, Scotland would soon follow the example of England. In February of the following year, the citizens of Dundee broke in the doors of the Blackfriars convent, carrying off anything upon which they could lay hands. Within two years this attitude had become so common that Lord Methven warned Mary of Lorraine, the queen mother, that it would be exceedingly dangerous to attempt any prosecution of the protestant lords.[40] The adherents of the new teachings were becoming so strong that there was no restraining them.

It was about this time that Lutheranism made its last great effort. This came through the publication of the first collection of Scottish protestant hymns, written by John and Robert Wedderburn. James, the eldest of the Wedderburn family, had been forced to remove to Dieppe in order to escape punishment for certain plays he had written against the clergy.[41] His two younger brothers were priests, but came under the influence of Gavin Logie at St. Andrews University. As a consequence, both were brought to favour protestant teachings. In order to escape the penalties attached to the maintenance of such opinions, however, both John and Robert were obliged to seek safety on the continent. There, during the late ‘30’s and early ‘40’s, they came into contact with the Lutheran circles in Germany, as well as with Miles Coverdale, and the Scots, Alesius and McAlpine, also exiles for the faith. When the Earl of Arran became regent in 1543 both of them returned hoping that the country would now become protestant.[42]

It was probably about this time that there appeared the first edition of the Wedderburns’ “Gude and Godlie Ballatis”. Although the collection contains many different types of poems, there is little doubt that its inspiration is largely Lutheran. Indeed, many of the pieces included have been shown to be simply translations of Lutheran hymns. This work had a great influence in Scotland during the 1540’s. Satirical poetry had already done much to break down the authority of the church. Now heresy was to be propagated by means of easily learned songs and ballads. In this way a new impetus was given to the spread and dissemination of Lutheran views.[43]

But the days of Lutheran supremacy among the Scottish protestants were numbered. During the years 1543–1546 Beaton pressed the protestants as far as he could. Yet, in spite of his efforts, they were growing steadily in numbers and influence. Despite all that he could do, the cardinal was not successful in his policy of repression. The more the protestants increased, and the more they were persecuted, so much the more were they becoming ripe for rebellion. Eventually when they could stand Beaton’s treatment no longer, there would be a revolt which would bring open conflict.

In such a situation as this, Lutheranism was not sufficiently revolutionary. On the continent it had been fostered and protected by princes and kings. Luther had condemned rebellion with the utmost vigour, and had allowed the civil authorities considerable influence in the government of the church. The dominant position of the state did not permit much freedom to those within the church. In line with this general policy of submission, the Scottish reformers up to this time had, more or less, tried to work within the framework of the old church and through the civil government. During the early months of Arran’s regency it looked as though this policy might actually be successful. With the return of Beaton to power, however, such hopes soon faded. Persecution was revived; and the protestants soon found themselves in conflict with both the civil and ecclesiastical authorities. The consequence of such a development was that, if the protestants were to survive at all, they must prepare to fight both church and state. They had to prepare to organize a separate church, and, if necessary, to overthrow the existing government. For such work as this, Lutheranism was by no means suitable. Something more revolutionary was needed.[44]

It was about this time that radical views began to filter into Scotland from Switzerland. England had nothing to offer, but the more thoroughgoing Swiss theology, whether of Zurich or Geneva, was the one thing that would put iron into the soul of Scottish protestantism. Moreover, the greater emphasis laid upon the sole authority of the Scriptures by the Swiss theologians would find more ready acceptance among the Scots, now that they had the free use of the Bible in the vernacular.

The first trace we have of the appearance of Swiss views in Scotland is shown in the charges laid against Sir John Borthwick in 1540. While most of them closely resemble in substance the accusations made against Patrick Hamilton, there is one important addition. Borthwick was charged with reading prohibited works such as “the New Testament, commonly printed in English, Oecolampadius, Melancthon, and divers treaties of Erasmus and other condemned heretics”. The reference to Oecolampadius would show that by this time the Swiss reformers were beginning to gain a hearing among the Scots.[45]

It would seem, however, that as Lutheranism had required a martyr to establish it firmly, the Reformed theology must needs have a similar sowing. This was to take place in the martyrdom of George Wishart. Starting out as a Lutheran, he had been obliged to live for some years in England and Switzerland. This had apparently caused him to make some changes in his theological position. Thus when he returned to Scotland in 1543, he held views of the sacraments and the church which were closer to those of Calvin and Zwingli than to those of Luther.[46]

On his return to his native land, Wishart was well received by the leaders of the reform movement. Erskine of Dun, Crichton of Brunstone, Cockburn of Ormiston, Sandilands of Calder and Douglas of Longniddry all gave him their support, while one of his most constant companions during his last days was a certain John Knox. Through the teaching of Wishart, the landed gentry seem to have commenced the Organization of congregations of their own. While such groups do not appear clearly until some five or six years later, their state of development at that time shows that they were by no means new. Moreover, it was probably shortly after his return that Wishart translated into Scots the First Helvetic Confession. This document was probably written out by hand and circulated amongst the various protestants. It was not printed until 1548, two years after Wishart’s death.[47] The growth of Wishart’s influence is also indicated by the fact that within a year after his death the Sacrament of the Lord’s Supper was being dispensed in Scotland according to the Swiss, rather than the Lutheran, practice.[48] By 1546 Lutheran influence seems to have been on the wane.

Early in 1546 Wishart was arrested, condemned and burnt at the stake. On May, 29th of the same year, his principal opponent, Cardinal Beaton, was murdered in his castle at St. Andrews by some of the protestants and their friends. Those responsible for this deed of blood were promptly besieged by government forces.[49] The clergy seemed to feel that this was an opportune moment to secure increased action against all the protestants. Consequently they submitted a complaint to the regent stating that the country was “now infectit with the pestilential heresies of Luther, his sect and followaris” while many “are becoming sacramentaris, and specialie againis the blessed Sacrament of the Altar”. The Lords of the Council promised to take prompt action against the holders of such views. The important thing was, however, that the clergy were evidently beginning to see that they were not dealing only with Lutherans. The reference to “sacramentaris” indicated that they now saw a difference between the old and the new heretical views. Their words also showed that the supporters of Reformed teachings were increasing both in numbers and influence.[50]

The man who took Wishart’s place in the Scottish church reform movement was John Knox. Originally a Lutheran, he had come under Wishart’s influence shortly before the latter’s death. Out of this contact came Knox’s view of his reforming work, and, apparently, also his view of the Lord’s Supper.[51] But even then he by no means forgot all that Lutheranism had taught him. One indication of this is his desire to leave Scotland, after Wishart’s death, in order to study in the schools of Germany. Instead of this, however, he joined the rebels in the Castle of St. Andrews. While there, as a result of his gifts, he was called to the ministry, and in this capacity he administered the sacrament of the Lord’s Supper according to the teachings of the Swiss reformers.[52] He was thus partially Reformed in his theological views, although the change could not by any means be said to be complete.

Further evidence of the incomplete change of Knox and many of his associates appears in another connection. After the rebels in St. Andrews were forced to surrender, they were sent to France as prisoners. While there, Henry Balnaves, long a supporter of the Reformation movement and one of the early Scottish Lutherans, wrote a work on Justification by Faith. From Knox it received the heartiest approbation. It is of importance, however, that while purporting to be on the doctrine of Justification by Faith, it is essentially a compendium of theology with that doctrine as the center and key to all Christian thought and life. This was a typically Lutheran approach.[53]

It was after this that Knox spent some time in England, followed by a stay at Frankfurt and Geneva. In the latter city he became thoroughly imbued with Calvinistic teaching.

While Knox’s views were gradually coming into line with those of the Swiss theologians, a similar change was taking place throughout Scotland, due partially to the influence of Knox himself. At the same time, others of the reformers were returning to Scotland from the continent with the same type of beliefs. About this time John Willock came back to Scotland from Emden, a town which seems to have been a stronghold of the Swiss theology. Others came from Zurich, Basle and Geneva.[54] Scotland was gradually coming under the control of those holding to Reformed, rather than Lutheran, teachings.

Political events in Scotland were driving the reformers in the same direction. An increasing number of congregations were being formed throughout the country. The Genevan form of democratic organization was followed, as was the Genevan form of English service. The protestant nobles were also preparing for a revolt, if that should be necessary. They were resolved to gain the freedom to worship as they saw fit.[55] It was finally by this threat of force that the Reformation was achieved and protestantism established. By this time, Lutheranism had been largely swallowed up in the Reformed influence. Scotland when it adopted protestantism was therefore Presbyterian rather than Lutheran in ecclesiastical polity and doctrine.

Yet it must always be remembered that while Scotland eventually accepted the leadership of Geneva rather than of Wittenberg, the Scottish Reformation owes no small debt to Luther and his followers. Lutheran evangelical teachings, brought to Scotland by such men as Patrick Hamilton and others, set protestantism on its victorious march. Although this influence did not continue to dominate Scottish protestant thought down to 1560 and after, yet it would seem that the emphasis upon justification by faith characteristic of Scottish Reformed teaching may be partially due to the continuance of Lutheran influence.[56] Thus, in order to maintain a proper perspective when dealing with the Scottish Reformation, we must never forget what Scottish Presbyterianism owes to the German Reformer and his teachings.

Notes

1. D. H. Fleming, The Reformation in Scotland (London, 1910), pp. 66-129; T. G. Law, The Catechism of John Hamilton (Oxford, 1884), p. xiv; W. C. Mathieson, Politics and Religion (Edinburgh, 1902), I, 28; J. K. Hewison, ed., Certain Tractates etc. by Ninian Winzet (Scottish Tract Society, 1888), p. 6; D. Patrick, The Statutes of the Scottish Church (Scottish History Society, 1907), pp. xciv f.
2. Patrick, op. cit., pp. lxxxix ff.; Hewison, op. cit., p. 5; Fleming, op. cit., p. 83.
3. Cf. W. S. Reid, “The Lollards in Pre-reformation Scotland”, Church History (Chicago, 1942), XI, pp. 269-283.
4. W. S. Reid, “Scotland and the Church Councils of the Fifteenth Century”, Catholic Historical Review (Washington, 1943), XXIX, no. 1; “The Origins of Anti-Papal Legislation in Fifteenth Century Scotland”, Cath. Hist. Rev., XXIX, no. 4.
5. I. F. Grant, The Social and Economic Development of Scotland before 1603 (Edinburgh, 1930), pp. 228ff.
6. P. H. Brown, George Buchanan (Edinburgh, 1890), pp. 20-26; Peter Lorimer, The Precursors of Knox, I, Patrick Hamilton (Edinburgh, 1857), pp. 33ff.
7. Ibid., p. 232.
8. David Laing, ed., The Works of John Knox (Wodrow Society, 1854ff.), III, 405–417.
9. J. Davidson and A. Gray, The Scottish Staple at Veere (London, 1909), pp. 107-109; Grant, op. cit., pp. 321ff.
10. D. Caderwood, Historie of the Kirk of Scotland (Wodrow Society, 1842), Thos. Thomson, ed., I, 108.
11. T. Thomson, Acts of the Parliament of Scotland (Edinburgh, 1814), II, 295, c. 4; J. MacKinnon, Luther and the Reformation (London, 1930) IV, 356; Lorimer, op. cit., p. 68; C. Anderson, The Annals of the English Bible (London, 1862), p. 497.
12. The best account of Hamilton is found in Lorimer’s biography of him. Cf. op. cit., pp. 27-29, 43–44.
13. Lorimer, op. cit., pp. 83ff.; Knox, op. cit., I, 15, 21ff.
14. Lorimer, op. cit., pp. 105-149; Calderwood, op. cit., p. 79.
15. Thos. M’Crie, The Life of Andrew Melville (Edinburgh, 1824), I, 420–421.
16. Thos. M’Crie, The Life of John Knox (new ed., Edinburgh, 1855), p. 15; Knox, op. cit., I, 36.
17. Lorimer, op. cit., pp. 154, 165-167; Anderson, op. cit., pp. 515ff.
18. Knox, op. cit., I, 527; Calderwood, op. cit., I, 96.
19. J. H. Baxter, St. Andrews University before the Reformation (St. Andrews, 1927), p. 12; Lorimer, op. cit., pp. 168-9.
20. Lorimer, op. cit., pp. 166-170.
21. Ibid., pp. 187f.; Knox, op. cit., I, 45ff.
22. R. K. Hannay, ed., The Acts of the Lords of the Council in Public Affairs, 1501–1554 (Edinburgh, 1932), pp. 372, 426; Calderwood, op. cit., I, 108; A Diurnal of Events within Scotland (Maitland Club, 1833), p. 18; Lorimer, op. cit., pp. 207, 214; D. H. Fleming, ed., Register of the Privy Seal of Scotland, (1921), II, no. 1583.
23. Diurnal, p. 19; Robert Wodrow, Collections upon the Lives of the Reformers and Ministers of the Church of Scotland (Maitland Club, 1834), I, 5; Lorimer, op. cit., pp. 206—7.
24. Ibid., p. 214.
25. Published by Scottish Tract Society, 1888, A. F. Mitchell, ed.
26. Jno. Leslie, The Historie of Scotland (Scot. Tract Soc, 1895), E. G. Cody and Wm. Murison, edd., II, 226.
27. Hannay, op. cit., pp. 422-424.
28. A. P. S., II, 341, cap. 2.
29. Knox, op. cit., I, 62, 63; Hannay, op. cit., p. 446; Jno. Foxe, Acts and Monuments (London, 4th ed.), J. Pratt & J. Stoughton, edd., V, 622; D. H. Fleming, op. cit., II, nos. 2742, 2923, 2962, 2975, 3396; R. Pitcairn, Ancient Criminal Trials in Scotland (Maitland Club, 1833), I:1, 216, 217; Calder-wood, op. cit., I, 113; G. Donaldson, ed., St. Andrews Formulare, 1514–1546 (Stair Society, Edinburgh, 1944), II, nos. 367, 370, 378; Lorimer, op. cit., p. 217.
30. Fleming, op. cit., II, no. 2936.
31. M’Crie, Knox, p. 17; Lorimer, op. cit., pp. 199-209.
32. Calderwood, op. cit., I, 138–145; Sir Jas. Melville, Memoirs (Maitland Club, 1827), pp. 60f.; Knox, op. cit., I, 81–84.
33. Melville, op. cit., p. 71; Knox, op. cit., I, 102.
34. Leslie, op. cit., II, 266; Knox, op. cit., I, 95.
35. Anderson, op. cit., pp. 516ff.
36. Balnaves had studied at Cologne, and was at St. Andrews when Hamilton was martyred. Knox, op. cit., I, 99f.; Foxe, op. cit., V, 623; Calderwood, op. cit., I, 156–158; Fleming, Reformation, pp. 215-233.
37. A. F. Mitchell, The Gude and Godlie Ballatis (Scot. Tract Soc, 1897)’ p. xxxv; Knox., op. cit., I, 105–109; Hannay, op. cit., pp. 527f.; Fleming, op. cit., p. 233.
38. A. P. S., II, 443, cap. 6.
39. Donaldson, op. cit., II, nos. 397, 464; Chas. Rogers, ed., The Rental Book of the Abbey of Cupar-Angus (Grampian Club, 1880), II, 1–178, passim.
40. Jno. Spottiswoode, History of the Church of Scotland (Spottiswoode Society, 1847), I, 147ff.; Knox, op. cit., I, 61, 117; Calderwood, op. cit., I, 175; Donaldson, op. cit., II, no. 394; R. S. Fittis, The Ecclesiastical Annals of Perth (Edinburgh, 1885), pp. 57-63; C. Dickinson, Two Missions of Jacques de la Brosse, (Scot. Hist. Soc, 1942), p. 22; R. K. Hannay, “Letters of a Papal Legate in Scotland, 1543”, Scottish Historical Review, XI (1941), p. 19; Letters and Papers of the Reign of Henry VIII (London, 1902), XVIII:2, no. 299; A. I. Cameron, ed., The Scottish Correspondence of Mary of Lorraine (Scot. Hist. Soc, 1927), no. XCVIII.
41. Calderwood, op. cit., I, 140–141; A. F. Mitchell, op. cit., pp. xvi ff.
42. Mitchell, op. cit., pp. xxiv ff., lxix.
43. Mitchell, op. cit., Introduction, passim.
44. Mitchell, op. cit., pp. cvii f.; Lorimer, op. cit., pp. 163ff.
45. Foxe, op. cit., V, 606; Lorimer, op. cit., p. 164.
46. Mitchell, op. cit., p. cviii.
47. D. Laing, ed., The Miscellany of the Wodrow Society (Wodrow Society, 1844), pp. 19ff.; A. W. Pollard and G. R. Redgrave, Short Title Catalogue of Books Printed in England, Scotland and Ireland 1475–1640 (London, 1926), no. 23553; Brown, Knox, I, 66.
48. MacKinnon, op. cit., IV, 357; Knox, op. cit., I, 193f.
49. Knox, op. cit., I, 150ff., 173, 180; A. P. S., II, 467.
50. J. H. Burton, Register of the Privy Council of Scotland (Edinburgh, 1877), I, 63; Robert Keith, History of the Affairs of Church and State in Scotland (Spottiswoode Society, 1844), I, 146–7; J. Robertson, Concilia Scotiae (Bannatyne Club, 1866), I, cxlvi.
51. Brown, Knox, I, 61–66; MacKinnon, op. cit., IV, 358.
52. Knox, op. cit., I, 185ff., 73ff.; III, 163.
53. Brown, op. cit., I, 92; MacKinnon, op. cit., I, 202; W. Cunningham, The Reformers and the Theology of the Reformation (Edinburgh, 1866), pp. 103ff., 402ff.; Knox, op. cit., III, 15, 449ff.; I, 3.
54. With regard to Emden see the list of books printed there according to F. Isaac, “Egidius van der Erve and his English Printed Books”, The Library (4th Series, 1932), XII, 337ff.; Wodrow, Collections, I, pp. 100, 449, 13; Knox, op. cit., I, 247ff.
55. Knox, op. cit., I, 300ff.
56. MacKinnon, op. cit., IV, 358ff.