The Thundering Scot: John Knox The Preacher

By Richard Kyle

[Richard Kyle is Professor of History and Religion at Tabor College, Hillsboro, KS.]

I

“I love to blow my Master’s Trumpet,” proclaimed John Knox. This little phrase is pregnant with meaning; it succinctly captures the very essence of his ministry. Historians have focused on Knox as the leader of a reformation, the instigator of a rebellion, and an opponent of female rule. While these impressions may be valid, they do not reflect Knox’s self-perception and the way his contemporaries viewed him. He saw himself as a simple preacher proclaiming God’s Word, a watchman warning the people to obey God. His contemporaries —both his supporters and opponents—also regarded him as a preacher.[1]

As a minister, Knox performed many tasks—preaching, administering the sacraments, counseling his parishioners, organizing churches, writing confessional statements, and more. But preaching was his priority. God called him to preach and Knox had no doubt about his vocation. In his aptly titled biography, Trumpeter of God, W. Stanford Reid has captured this theme. Believing himself to be called as were the Hebrew prophets, Knox’s chief purpose in life was to summon people to repentance and faith in Jesus Christ as Lord and Savior. Like John the Baptist, he saw himself as a “voice crying in the wilderness,” an instrument trumpeting the divine message. This “trumpeter theme thus became central to his thinking.”[2] Or as Douglas MacMillan puts it: this “total commitment to preaching and to what preaching alone can achieve provides the real key to understanding Knox as a man, a Christian, and a reformer.”[3]

The First Blast of the Trumpet (1558) alerted people to the notion of Knox “blowing his master’s trumpet.” But he began to trumpet God’s message much earlier than this. In 1547 at St. Andrews, Knox received a dramatic call to proclaim God’s Word. And it did not take him long to obey this summons: the next week he was in the pulpit preaching his first sermon. Knox did not embark upon his preaching career until age 32. Except for the occasions when he had no access to a pulpit, he preached for more than twenty-five years, until a few days before his death in 1572.[4] Knox apparently had skills as a leader, a politician, church organizer, pastoral counselor, and perhaps even as a writer. But preaching was his greatest strength. He could skillfully interpret Scripture. And according to contemporary accounts, he was a forceful, compelling preacher with considerable charisma who could motivate people to action.[5]

The task of preaching was central to Knox’s life and career. Why have most modern historians not picked up on this theme? In part, examples of Knox’s preaching are scant; he only wrote down a few sermons.[6] But we are not totally without evidence. We have some tracts that were versions of earlier sermons. In fact, many of Knox’s writings, even his History, have a sermonic cast to them. Knox was so focused on preaching that “he only took to his pen when his voice was silent,” said Maurice Lee. Knox’s History was a sermon without an audience, a preaching book, “one long inflammatory speech in behalf of God’s truth,” as the reformer saw it.[7] Another window to Knox’s sermons are the impressions of his contemporaries. Both his followers and opponents voiced their reactions to the reformer’s sermons-some singing his praises, others expressing their outrage.[8]

Knox’s preaching has been neglected for other reasons. Earlier biographers such as Thomas M’Crie have accorded great importance to Knox’s preaching.[9] But in the modern era, few historians have emphasized this subject. Why? For one reason, in the early twenty-first century, the sermon does not play the central role that it has in the past. In an age of television and cheap paperbacks, sermons are no longer the primary shaper of ideas. Another factor is the transitory nature of a sermon. The impact of a sermon largely depends on chemistry, charisma, and emotions—subjects that are not easily measured by biographers. Thus historians have turned to more accessible themes.[10]

II

The Reformation did not invent preaching. Christian preaching has an ancient lineage, being rooted in the Old Testament prophets and the message of the apostles. The patristic era also produced many remarkable preachers. Some examples include Origen, Basil of Caesarea, John Chrysostom, Gregory of Nazianzus, Ambrose, and Augustine. The early Middle Ages saw the art of preaching fall into a long night of obscurity until the high Middle Ages experienced a revival of preaching. The preaching of the crusades and the rise of scholasticism prodded such a surge. But another decline set in. The church of the late medieval world focused on the sacraments, prompting the parish clergy to adopt a fundamentally sacramental role. Thus preaching was neglected and what existed became frivolous and decorated with illustrations. Yet some outstanding preachers still could be found, including John Wycliffe, the Lollards, John Hus, Nicholas of Cusa, Jean de Gerson, John of Capistrano, and Savonarola.[11]

Still, the Reformation did return the Bible to the people, and in the process it ushered in a new era of biblical preaching, in both quality and quantity. Most of the reformers, including Knox, preached several times a week. Bullinger preached through the Bible in about fifteen years. Luther’s sermons fill twenty volumes, Calvin’s forty. In fact, except for Philip Melanchthon, all of the major reformers were preachers.[12]

Differences between medieval and Reformation preaching go beyond quantity; they also concern quality. The churchmen of the Middle Ages adopted a fourfold method of biblical interpretation: literal, moral, allegorical, and anagogic. But in general, the medieval preachers regarded the Bible in a figurative sense, thus reducing the authority of Scripture. The reformers reversed this trend. In various degrees, they opted for a literal interpretation of Scripture. And this change fostered the recovery of expository preaching; that is, the reformers worked their way through the Bible passage by passage. Their sermons were biblical, emphasizing the Gospel, and the reformers never doubted that they were preaching the “Word of God.” Luther, Zwingli, Calvin, Bullinger, Oecolampodius, Knox, and nearly all the major reformers were faithful biblical preachers. Of the leading reformers, Calvin had the greatest impact on Knox’s preaching, second only to those he encountered in Scotland.[13]

However, before having any direct contact with the Continental reformers, Knox began to thunder from the pulpit. Who taught him how to preach? Knox had a number of homegrown Scottish models, some of whom had come under the influence of the Continental preachers. As on the Continent, preaching in the Scottish Catholic Church had sunk to low levels. The content of their sermons and homilies revolved around devotion to Mary, the Mass, the sacraments, and good works. Still, a few priests must have preached God’s Word, for Knox acknowledged that some “would occupy the pulpit and truly preach Jesus Christ.” But most did not.[14]

Undoubtedly, the early Scottish Protestants had the greatest impact on Knox’s preaching. Patrick Hamilton was a preacher at St. Andrews from 1523 to 1527. On the Continent, he came under the influence of Erasmus, Luther, and Tyndale. In Scotland, he eloquently preached justification by faith. So disturbing was his message that the church declared him a heretic and had him burnt at the stake. Yet he inspired other men who would have a direct impact on Knox.[15] More immediately, Knox came under the influence of several former Dominican friars—Thomas Guilliame and John Rough. These fiery preachers directly ministered to Knox, who recorded their impact in his History. He described Guilliame as a fluid speaker with solid judgment, wholesome doctrine, and adequate knowledge for that day. Nevertheless, Guilliame was too moderate in his opposition to Catholicism for Knox’s liking. Knox characterized Rough as more simple and not that well learned, but more rigorous in combating the Catholic faith.[16]

Of these early Protestants, George Wishart had the most enduring influence upon Knox’s preaching. Wishart had been exiled to the Continent where he came under the sway of the Swiss reformers. He returned in 1542, first to England and then to Scotland. During 1544–45, he popularized the doctrines of the Swiss reformers, including justification by faith, the Apostles’ Creed, and a fierce condemnation of Catholic doctrines and practices. Wishart was a charismatic orator who preached with a fiery passion. His thundering denunciation of Catholicism attracted many who desired the purification of religion and society. In his History, Knox records his approval of Wishart’s sermonizing: he glorified God by preaching his Word with vehemence. As a result many were converted to the Protestant faith.[17]

Scottish Protestant preaching took the teaching of Scripture as its only authority. In fact, according to the Scots Confession, the mark of the “true Kirk of God we believe, confess, and avow to be, first, the true preaching of the Word of God.” Given this importance, Scotland needed many preachers. While Knox may have been renown for his preaching, there were other gifted Scottish preachers such as William Harlow(1500–75), John Willock (1512–85), John Craig (1512–1600), David Fergusson (1525–98), Andrew Melville (1545–1622), and Robert Bruce (1554–1631).[18]

III

Knox did not blow his master’s trumpet without considerable preparation, both spiritually and intellectually. The basis for his pulpit ministry lay in his conversion experience and dramatic call to the ministry. He had cast his anchor in Jesus Christ and received a call to preach, which he interpreted as coming directly from God. To be sure, Knox cannot be regarded as a sophisticated theologian. Still, he had a solid grasp of Reformed doctrine, even though he expressed it in a practical if not systematic manner. But more importantly, Knox was a man of the Word. He diligently studied Scripture, describing himself as “sitting at his books” and using the church fathers as a guide to the Bible. Consequently, he acquired a commanding knowledge of Scripture, which allowed him to have a thorough understanding of Christian doctrine and a detailed recollection of biblical events. And Knox used his knowledge to carefully prepare his sermons.[19]

From the pulpit, Knox could roar with the voice of authority. This great confidence came from his conviction that the Bible was God’s Word and his only job was to proclaim it. Despite his occasional reliance on other sources, throughout his public ministry, he claimed Scripture as his sole authority in religious matters. In regard to religion—especially worship—human beings could not add to nor subtract anything from what God expressly commanded.[20] Undoubtedly, this reliance on Scripture had a twofold effect: Knox’s sermons could be inflexible, but they also had great authority.

His approach to Scripture impacted his preaching in still other ways. Not only did he regard the Bible as the authoritative Word of God, but he upheld the perspicuity of Scripture, that it is clear and intelligible to the average person. Phrases such as “the plain Word of God,” “the express Word of God,” “the plain Scripture,” and the “strict Word of God” constantly bombard even the casual reader of Knox’s works.[21] In one of his encounters with Queen Mary of Scotland, Knox insisted that the Bible was intelligible to all people, and thus the native meaning of the Bible with the aid of the Holy Spirit sufficed. The Holy Ghost had inspired every verse and, as God, he can never be self-contradictory. Therefore, the meaning of vague texts must be in agreement with the interpretation of distinct passages: “The Word of God is plain in the self; and if there appear any obscurity in one place, the Holy Ghost which is never contrarious to himself, explains the same more clearly in other places: so that there can remain no doubt, but unto such as obstinately remain ignorant.”[22]

How did this impact Knox’s preaching? Because he believed that the plain Scripture, with the aid of Holy Spirit, was understandable to most people, he primarily used the literal method for ascertaining the meaning of a particular passage.[23] Thus his sermons also proclaimed the literal meaning of Scripture. They were direct and clear, and left little doubt as to their meaning. Like Scripture itself, they didn’t need any sophisticated explanation. Actually, Knox took a rather low view of his own preaching. He did not see himself as interpreting the Bible, but declaring what was self-evident. He was simply God’s mouthpiece, his voice, proclaiming the truth entrusted to him. Like Joshua, he was but a rude trumpet for God.[24]

In yet another way, Knox was prepared for an international preaching ministry. He knew several languages. The reformer had an adequate knowledge of Greek and learned some Hebrew during his stay in Geneva; thus he could study Scripture in its original languages. Moreover, he preached in several languages. Knox’s native tongue was Lowland Scots, but he chose to preach and write in English. For this, some have criticized him, but English allowed him to reach a wider audience with the Gospel of Christ. Knox spoke French—which he may have learned during his stay in a French galley—and he put it to good use in Dieppe. On his trips to and from the Continent, he stayed in Dieppe, sometimes for weeks. And he utilized his time well, preaching frequently, encouraging believers, and winning converts to the Protestant faith. And his command of French did not leave him during his years in Scotland. On his deathbed, he requested that Calvin’s sermons in French be read to him.[25]

Knox left us with few examples of his preaching. Still, general characteristics of his pulpit style can be ascertained. Like most of his Protestant counterparts, he preached long sermons several times a week. In Geneva, Knox preached three times a week and the sermons lasted between two and three hours. As the minister at St. Giles in Edinburgh from 1559 to 1572, he sermonized twice on Sundays and three times during the week. Indeed, Knox knew nothing of the once-a-week, twenty-minute sermon so common in the modern church. What’s more, Knox suffered from a minister’s occupational hazard—he could not stop preaching. As noted previously, his writings had a sermonic quality. And “even in private conversations, he lectured as if he was in the pulpit.”[26]

The word “extemporaneous” can mean several things: uttered on the spur of the moment, or carefully prepared but delivered without notes or text. The latter meaning can be applied to Knox’s preaching style. He did not write his sermons down before delivering them. On two occasions, however, he had them published after the fact, and the substance of other sermons found their way into some of his writings. Rather, the reformer would speak from the notes made on the margins of his Bible. Still, he carefully prepared his sermons. He studied the passages, constructed an outline for the message, and even planned the exact words he would use to express his thoughts. Despite not using a written text, Knox could recall the substance of his sermons several days and even years after they had been delivered. This indicates that they had been well prepared.[27]

The medieval preachers employed an allegorical interpretation of Scripture, which had many hidden meanings. Like other reformers, Knox broke from this trend and preached expository sermons, messages setting forth the clear explanation of a passage. His general pattern was twofold. He would take a book in the Bible, such as the Gospel of John or Isaiah, and preach through it verse by verse. Or he might select a doctrinal or practical subject like prayer and build a sermon from a text related to that topic. Whether he selected a biblical book or subject, the method was the same. Knox would begin with an exposition of the passage, thus assuring his listeners that he was preaching God’s Word. Next, he drew doctrinal or practical implications from the text, at times attacking Catholic teachings and leaders or addressing spiritual issues.[28]

In closing a sermon, Knox applied the text and doctrinal implications to contemporary topics and people—the state of society, political leaders, villains, heroes, and more. And in doing so, he often drew parallels that stretched to the limit his literal approach to Scripture. Such applications brought down the wrath of the political and ecclesiastical establishments upon Knox. Even by the standards of the day, he could be brutally pointed in his references to contemporary leaders and institutions. He went well beyond inferences, making many direct comparisons: Mary Tudor with “Jezebel, that cursed idolatrous woman;” England with Israel or Judah; Catholicism with idolatry; the papacy as Antichrist; Queen Elizabeth with Deborah, and more.[29] Such parallels were hardly diplomatic; they came as a bludgeon. For example, in the reformer’s later years, Maitland of Lethington, a supporter of Mary Stewart, complained that Knox “in his sermons … has slandered me as an atheist, and enemy to all religion. …”'[30]

When Knox blew his master’s trumpet, the sound could be harsh—and he knew it. He acknowledged that, in part, this could be his fault. But he attributed the strident blast of the trumpet largely to the mandate of his office as a preacher. In several of Knox’s confrontations with Queen Mary, she noted the offensive manner in which he spoke, both from the pulpit and in private conversations: “Your words are sharp enough as you have spoken them … ,” said the Queen. Or in another place: “I have … borne with you in all your rigorous manner of speaking… .” To this, Knox insisted that he took no joy. Rather, it was a necessity of his function as a preacher. Regardless of the consequences, the trumpet must blow: “Without the preaching place, Madam, I think few have occasion to be offended at me; and there, Madam, I am not master of myself, but must obey Him who commands me to speak plain, and to flatter no flesh upon the face of the earth.”[31]

Knox’s pointed applications partly arose out of his method of interpreting Scripture. He often transferred people and events from the Old and New Testaments to his own time so literally that it seemed as though history had repeated itself.[32] Knox constantly compared Israel and Scotland, and Israel and England—comparisons that often went beyond analogies or lessons and seem to become historical equivalents. For example, in A Faithful Admonition, Knox recalled his last sermon preached before King Edward VI in 1553.This message, which condemned Edward VI’s ungodly ministers, paralleled the wicked officials of David and Hezekiah with the hidden papists in Edward’s ministry. Old Testament Israel became England; David became Edward VI; Ahithophel became Dudley, Edward’s minister; and Shobna became the Marquess of Winchester, Edward’s treasurer.[33]

Also in A Faithful Admonition, Knox paralleled the English Reformation with the story of the disciples at sea: the calm part of the voyage compared to the rule of Edward VI while the storm corresponded with Mary Tudor’s rule and the return of Catholicism.[34] John Knox, indeed, saw the drama of biblical times, particularly that of corporate Israel, being re-enacted in sixteenth-century England and Scotland. No wonder he made pointed applications in his sermons—comparisons that often got him into trouble.

The content of Knox’s sermons rested on his view of God and his Old Testament emphasis. Divine immutability—that perfection of God by which he is devoid of all change—significantly influenced nearly all areas of Knox’s thought, including his preaching. Because God’s nature has not changed, neither can his law. What was condemned in the Old Testament (idolatry, immorality, injustice, and more) cannot be overlooked in the sixteenth century. Thus from the pulpit, Knox would vehemently denounce such sins. He demanded that God’s law and justice be upheld in Scotland and England as they had been in ancient Israel. Otherwise, the same divine punishments (plagues, natural disasters, and invasions) would befall the Scots or English.[35]

A key factor determining the content of Knox’s sermons was his Old Testament emphasis. His literal Old Testament hermeneutic, drawn from Deut 12:32, provided the window from which he viewed Scripture and much of life. This verse demanded that all aspects of religion conform to God’s commands. Nothing should be added or subtracted from God’s express instructions. This line of thought provided the impetus for much of Knox’s sermons and writings. In fact, this drive to purify religion drove him to denounce Catholicism from the pulpit.[36]

Knox upheld the unity of Scripture and regarded the entire Bible as important. Why then, did he preach more from the Old Testament than the New? Largely because the reformer was preoccupied with corporate issues that are more readily addressed by the Old Testament—namely, the purification of religion, the covenant, the reformation of religion on a national scale, the legal establishment of Protestantism, the overthrow of the Catholic Church, and resistance to ruling authorities who promoted idolatry (i.e. Catholicism). Such objectives could be achieved by means of corporate models, which could only be found in the Old Testament.[37]

Knox favored the Old Testament, but in his preaching he did not ignore the New Testament. Like an Old Testament prophet, the reformer could thunder from the pulpit. But Knox the prophet was also Knox the pastor and Knox the evangelist. While he intensely sought the corporate purification of religion, he also concerned himself with individuals. His preaching called people to repentance and faith in Christ. As a pastor, his sermons and letters addressed spiritual problems: he comforted believers in distress, encouraged them to live a godly life, and instructed them in Christian doctrine. In fact, after Queen Mary’s rule had ended in Scotland and Protestantism was more secure, Knox’s sermons evidenced a different tone.[38]

IV

Knox’s specific sermons bear witness to many of the characteristics already noted. Unfortunately, he left us with only two messages. Still, aspects of other sermons have been recorded in Knox’s History and impressions of others can be found in the writings of contemporaries. I will note six sermons presented in several locations: St. Andrews, England, central Scotland, Stirling, and Edinburgh. Knox received his call to the ministry in 1547, probably in late April. Shortly thereafter he began to blow the trumpet in the parish church of St. Andrews. For his first sermon, he chose Dan 7:24 and 25 as his text. This passage concerned the rise and fall of four empires, depicted as beasts: the Babylonian, Persian, Greek and Roman. Knox equated the last beast with the Catholic Church, arguing that the Roman Church had arisen out of the ruins of the Roman Empire. In this first sermon, Knox shot a volley at the Catholic Church; its doctrines and practices conflicted with those of Scripture. This church did not teach the doctrine of justification by faith. And worse yet, he spoke of the Roman church as “the Man of Sin,” “the Antichrist,” and “the Whore of Babylon.”[39]

This first blast of the trumpet set the tone for the rest of Knox’s ministry. He anchored his sermons in Scripture, preaching with great conviction because he believed the Bible to be God’s Word. He emphasized the doctrine of justification by faith, uplifting Christ as Lord and Savior, and shepherd of the church. On the negative side, he vehemently lashed out at the Catholic Church. So strong was his denunciation of the Roman Church that his listeners could be heard saying, “Others hewed (cut) the branches of the Papistry, but he strikes at the root, to destroy the whole.”[40]

So successful was Knox’s first sermon that it confirmed his call to blow his master’s trumpet. He never seemed to doubt this call again, even during stressful times. For example, when chained to the oar of a French galley near St. Andrews, he pointed up to the church and noted that this is “where God first opened my mouth to his glory… .”[41] Two factors related to Knox’s first sermon confirmed his call to preach: he firmly believed that he had preached God’s Word and his listeners reacted quite positively. They confirmed his call to a pulpit ministry.[42]

Knox’s sermon in Amersham, England, offers another perspective of his preaching. In attacking Catholicism, he did so with considerable political skill. Edward VI died on July 6, 1553, and for nearly two weeks the issue of succession hung in balance. Who would be the next monarch: Jane Grey or Mary Tudor? During this time, Knox preached a sermon in the Protestant stronghold of Amersham. In 1554, he penned A Faithful Admonition to the Professors of God’s Truth in England, and he included portions of the sermon preached earlier in Amersham.[43]

Written in exile, A Faithful Admonition sharply attacks Mary Tudor, England, and Catholicism. But what we have of the sermon is more moderate. He warns England against papistry and against a marriage alliance with Catholic Spain: “But ‘O England, England’ if you obstinately will return into Egypt: that is, if you contract marriage, confederacy, or league, with such princes as maintain and advance idolatry … you shall be plagued and brought to desolation… .” As harsh as this may sound, he spoke largely in generalizations and did not even mention Mary. He only attacked Charles V, the Holy Roman Emperor, whom he compared to Nero.[44]

Knox’s Exposition upon Matthew IV provides an excellent window to his preaching: it represents one of his two published sermons. In 1555–56, Knox visited Scotland from Geneva. He embarked upon a preaching mission throughout Scotland, ministering to the privy kirks. From what we can tell, most of Knox’s messages during this trip had a pastoral and evangelical tone; they aimed at instruction in biblical doctrines and for an informed decision to the claims of Christ. One of these sermons was on Matt 4, which he subsequently wrote down for circulation among his friends. Years after his death, it was published in England.[45]

This sermon focused on verses one to four of this chapter, which dealt with Christ’s temptation in the wilderness. Knox used this passage to attack the Catholic practice of Lent, arguing that it had no scriptural basis. But more important, the reformer began the sermon with an outline, providing us with an example of his style of biblical exposition. He began by defining temptation and shows how it is used in Scripture. Second, he tells us who is tempted and when this temptation occurred. Next, Knox describes how Christ was tempted.

Last, he answers why Christ suffered these temptations and the benefit received from them. Then Knox ends the sermon with an application: “The very life and felicity of man consists not in abundance of corporal things… .”[46]

Knox’s 1559 sermon at Stirling took a different tack: for victory to come to the Protestants, they must turn to God. While spiritual, his message also had political overtones and some have regarded it as the turning point of the Scottish Reformation. Knox returned to Scotland in May 1559. But by November 1559 when Knox preached his sermon at Stirling, the Protestants were a dejected and depressed group. They needed inspiration; and Knox gave it to them. He rallied the congregation, and some observers have regarded this message as Knox’s best. The essence of this sermon is recorded in his History.[47]

Knox’s message at Stirling is another example of his verse by verse expository preaching. At St. Giles, his sermons had been on Ps 80:1–4. In Stirling, he continued the exposition, basing his message on verses four to eight. Instead of trusting in God for victory over the Catholic forces, apparently the congregation had turned to the Protestant nobility, especially the Hamiltons. For this, Knox condemned them. But armed with many Old Testament examples, he said that if they would repent and turn to God, victory would come. Knox’s sermon electrified the congregation. They met for prayers and then took some more mundane steps to secure victory—namely negotiations with the English for military assistance. Years later, sources independent of Knox’s History recalled how he had raised the flagging morale of the Protestant cause.[48]

On August 19, 1565, Knox preached from Isa 26:13–21. This sermon reveals much about Knox’s sermonizing; it has been published in full, and to the message Knox attached a preface giving the rationale for his preaching style. July 1565 saw the marriage of Queen Mary and Lord Darnley, who was also proclaimed king. Darnley wavered between Catholicism and Protestantism, sometimes visiting the services of both faiths. On August 19, he attended St. Giles church, listening to Knox’s sermon while on a throne erected especially for him.[49]

In this sermon, Knox utilized his usual preaching style, a verse by verse exposition and a substantial application of the passage to contemporary life. The reformer told his listeners that kings do not have absolute power; it is limited by God’s Word. Thus they cannot do whatever pleases them but must obey God’s commands. Knox warned his audience against those who would persecute God’s faithful followers. He also made passing references to idolatry and papal abomination, linking them to Old Testament figures. God gave Ahab victory over Benhadad. Did he then correct his idolatrous wife Jezebel? No! Knox closed by contending that God would punish those who fought for or supported idolatry.[50]

This sermon was milder than most Knox preached. He made only one direct reference to Scotland and did not mention Queen Mary or Darnley. The sermon still angered King Darnley. Why? The message was longer than usual. Undoubtedly, Darnley personalized Knox’s comments regarding female rule, idolatry, and Ahab and Jezebel. Darnley complained to the Privy Council, who ordered Knox not to preach when the King and Queen were in Edinburgh. However, the Edinburgh city council objected, declaring that Knox was free to preach when he wished.[51]

In response to the Privy Council’s order, Knox published his sermon as proof that he had not attacked the King and Queen. To this sermon he affixed a preface, describing his philosophy and style of preaching. He did not write his sermon down because God had called him to preach, not to write books for future generations. Rather, he diligently studied a particular passage beforehand and then trusted the guidance of the Holy Spirit and his feelings for the mood of expression. What about the sharpness of Knox’s tongue? To this he declared that he desired to offend no one, but in respect to preaching: “I consult not with flesh and blood what I shall propose to the people, but as the Spirit of my God who has sent me, and unto whom I must answer … so I speak… .”[52]

Knox returned to St. Andrews in May 1571 and spent over a year there. Now in his fifty-ninth year, he was an old man in poor health. But to the very end of his life, he could still be a pulpit thumper, preaching with great vigor and vehemence. During his stay at St. Andrews, he continued his usual expository style followed by an application of the passage. For most of the time, Knox based his messages on the book of Daniel.[53]

Knox’s sermons at St. Andrews have not been recorded. Some contemporaries, however, did register their reactions to the reformer’s preaching. Though old and ill, he preached each day. Walking with a cane, he had to be helped into the pulpit. Once there, he became energized. For about a half an hour he spoke quietly while explaining the passage, but when he began to apply the text to contemporary events, his oratory heated up. Knox openly attacked a number of political leaders by name—Grange, the Hamiltons, the Castilians, and even Queen Mary. On one occasion, a witch was brought to church and fastened to a pillar while Knox denounced her in a sermon. After the service, she was executed. Young James Melville, who took notes of Knox’s sermons, said the reformer’s preaching electrified him, so much so that “he could not hold a pen to write.”[54]

V

What were the results of Knox’s preaching? Did his sermons further the Protestant cause in England and Scotland? Or did he pound the pulpit in vain? These are difficult questions. But any evaluation of Knox’s preaching must take into consideration the immediate reaction of his contemporaries and long-term factors.

The Scottish Reformation established Protestantism in Scotland. To a considerable extent, the Reformed faith prevailed. What role did Knox play in these events? Recent scholarship has viewed the Scottish Reformation from several vantage points. Some see it as a social movement; others focus on the Reformation in the various cities or areas of the countryside. Still, some see the revival in sixteenth-century Scotland more as a revolution than a reformation of religion. And other scholars minimize Knox’s role in these developments. They point to the work of others and say that the Reformation was well underway before Knox returned to Scotland in 1559.[55]

There are certainly elements of truth in these arguments. While the importance of other individuals and factors should not be minimized, Knox must be seen as the leading figure of the Scottish Reformation. He gave the movement direction and helped to change the future of Scotland. How did he do this? By his writings or diplomacy? No! He wrote much, and at times exhibited some political skill. However, Knox was first and foremost a preacher, and his impact came through his sermons, which were many. The sixteenth century differed from our day. Preaching counted. Before the age of nearly universal literacy and mass communications, preaching was a primary means of conveying ideas and motivating people. And Knox excelled at this means of communication.

The long-term impact of Knox’s preaching can be measured in other ways. He influenced preaching in Scotland by institutional developments and by example. The First Book of Discipline, which Knox coauthored, endeavored to provide Scotland with a sufficient number of qualified preachers. Good preaching was central to the long-term success of the Reformation, a fact that Knox and his colleagues well knew. To legalize Protestantism was not enough.

The people of Scotland had to sincerely embrace the Reformed faith and this could come primarily through preaching. On a personal level, Knox set a standard for preaching in Scotland. His careful preparation, solid exposition, sound evangelical doctrine, and forceful presentations were imitated throughout Scotland.[56]

Knox’s contemporaries certainly recognized him as a great preacher. His supporters praised his oratorical skills while his opponents cursed his sharp tongue. To fear a speaker, as his opponents did, is to acknowledge his ability. Undoubtedly, Knox was a fervent and compelling speaker. After his first sermon, his listeners said that “Master George Wishart spoke never so plainly… .” James Melville said that in the pulpit, Knox was “so active and vigorous that he was like to beat the pulpit into pieces… .” And at his graveside, the Regent Morton declared, “Here lies one who neither flattered or feared any flesh.” But apparently Knox did more than pound the pulpit. Contemporary historian George Buchanan also praised his eloquence.[57] Still, in assessing the impact of Knox’s preaching, a problem arises. Much of the praise heaped upon Knox was either recorded in his History or came from his supporters. And such sources had an obvious bias, presenting Knox’s own version of the events.

Notes

1. John Knox, The Works of John Knox (ed. David Laing; 6 vols.; Edinburgh: Bannatyne Club, 1846–1864), 4:367–71; 6:229–31 (hereafter, Works); J. Douglas MacMillan, “John Knox—Preacher of the Word,” Reformed Theological Journal (November 1987): 5; James Kirk, “John Knox and the Historians,” in John Knox and the British Reformations (ed. Roger A. Mason; Aldershot, UK: Ashgate, 1998), 20.
2. Works, 6:229–31; W. Stanford Reid, Trumpeter of God (New York: Scribner’s Sons, 1974), xiv.
3. MacMillan, “John Knox—Preacher of the Word,” 6.
4. Works, 1:187–93; 6:xxii-xxv, i-iii, 634; 4:373–420; Carol Edington, “John Knox and the Castilians: A Crucible of Reforming Opinion?” in John Knox and the British Reformations (n. 1 above), 30.
5. Works 1:192, 193; 6:643, 644; James Melville, The Diary of Mr. James Melville, 1556–1601 (Edinburgh: Bannatyne Club, 1829), 21, 26; John Bishop, “John Knox: Thundering Scot,” Preaching 8 (September/October 1992): 73, 74.
6. Works, 4:87–114; 6:221–71.These represent Knox’s only fully intact sermons. Aspects of others can be found in his History and in his tracts. See Works, 1:189–92; 4:87–114.
7. Maurice Lee, “John Knox and his History,” Scottish Historical Review 14 (April 1966): 80, 87, 88.
8. Works 1:192, 193; 2:371, 379, 384, 388, 497, 498; 6:230–32, 633, 643, 644; Melville, Diary of Melville, 73, 74.
9. Thomas M’Crie, The Life of John Knox, 2 Vols. (Edinburgh: William Blackwood, 1818).
10. MacMillan, “John Knox—Preacher of the Word,” 7–9.
11. See John S. Baird, “Preaching,” in Evangelical Dictionary of Theology (ed. Walter A. Elwell; Grand Rapids: Baker, 1984), 868–69; Hughes Oliphant Old, “History of Preaching,” in Encyclopedia of the Reformed Faith (ed. Donald K. McKim; Louisville: Westminister/John Knox, 1992), 286, 287; E. C. Dargan, A History of Preaching: From the Apostolic Fathers to the Great Reformers, AD 70–1572 (London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1905); Yngve Brilioth, A Brief History of Preaching (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1965).
12. See T. H. L. Parker, Calvin’s Preaching (Louisville: Westminster/John Knox, 1992); W. P. Stephens, The Theology of Huldrych Zwingli (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1986); Paul Althaus, The Theology of Martin Luther (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1966); David G. Buttrick, “Theology of Preaching,” in Encyclopedia of the Reformed Faith, 289, 290.
13. See Beryl Smalley, The Study of the Bible in the Middle Ages (Oxford: Blackwell, 1952); T. H. L. Parker, The Oracles of God: An Introduction to the Preaching of John Calvin (London: Lutterworth Press, 1947); Old, “History of Preaching,” 287; Buttrick, “Theology of Preaching,” 289; H.A. Oberman, “Preaching and the Word in the Reformation,” ThTo 18 (1961): 16-29; B. A. Gerrish, “Biblical Authority and the Continental Reformation,” SJT 10 (1957): 337-40.
14. Works 1:105; D. A. Bray, et al., “Preaching: Themes and Styles,” in Dictionary of Scottish Church History and Theology (ed. Nigel M. de S. Cameron; Edinburgh :T&T Clark, 1993), 668; Denis McKay, “Parish Life in Scotland,” in Essays on the Scottish Reformation, 1513–1625 (ed. David McRoberts; Glasgow: Burns, 1962), 85–115; Ian B. Cowan, The Scottish Reformation (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1982), 70, 71.
15. Works, 1:13–19; James E. McGoldrick, “Patrick Hamilton, Luther’s Scottish Disciple,” Sixteenth Century Journal 28 (1987): 81-88; James Edward McGoldrick, Luther’s Scottish Connection (Cranbury, N.J.: Associated University Presses, 1989), 46–54.
16. Works, 1:95, 96; Stewart D. Gill, “ ‘He made my tongue a trumpet …’ John Knox, The Preacher,” RTR 51 (1992): 104; Richard Kyle, “Guilliame, Thomas,” in Dictionary of Scottish Church History and Theology, 380; Cowan, Scottish Reformation, 101; Reid, Trumpeter of God, 11, 24, 25; Edington, “John Knox and the Castilians,” 30, 39, 40.
17. Works, 1:125–55, 534–37; Gill, “John Knox, The Preacher,” 105; James Kirk, “The Religion of Early Scottish Protestants,” in Humanism and Reform (ed. James Kirk; Oxford: Blackwell, 1991), 382, 383; Ridley, John Knox, 37–44; Edington, “John Knox and the Castilians,” 39.
18. Works, 2:110; James Philip, “Preachers,” in Dictionary of Scottish Church History and Theology, 665, 666.
19. Works, 3:75, 351; 4:310, 314, 315, 322, 383–86, 390, 392, 393, 492–94, 511, 512, 519, 524; 5:32, 33, 39, 62, 75, 170, 171, 180, 326, 331, 332, 344, 419; 6:194, 202, 501, 505; MacMillan, “John Knox—Preacher of the Word,” 16.
20. Works, 3:34, 166; 4:44, 80, 231, 446, 469, 470, 478; 5:59, 310, 421; 2:93, 96, 112 are but a few examples. See also Richard Kyle, The Mind of John Knox (Lawrence, Kans.: Coronado Press, 1984), 30–36; Richard Greaves, “The Nature of Authority in the Writings of John Knox,” Fides et Historia 10, no. 2 (Spring 1978): 30-51.
21. Works, 3:34, 35, 37, 38; 4:437, 468; 5:516. These citations are only a few examples of these phrases.
22. Works, 2:284.
23. Works, 5:261, 262. See Richard Kyle, “The Hermeneutical Patterns in John Knox’s Use of Scripture,” Pacific Theological Review 17, no. 3 (1984): 19-32; Kyle, Mind of Knox, 42–45.
24. Lord Eustace Percy, John Knox (Richmond: John Knox, 1966), 53; Geddes MacGregor, The Thundering Scot (Philadelphia: Westminster, 1957), 44.
25. Works, 6:642, 643; 4:257–60; MacMillan, “John Knox—Preacher of the Word,” 16, 17; Ridley, John Knox, 241–64.
26. Gill, “John Knox, The Preacher,” 107; MacGregor, Thundering Scot, 57, 89; MacMillan, “John Knox—Preacher of the Word,” 16; Ridley, John Knox, 481.
27. Works, 3:263–65; 4:87–114; 6:223–73; MacMillan, “John Knox—Preacher of the Word,” 16.
28. Works, 4:87–114; 6:223–73; Reid, Trumpeter of God, 76, 77; Gill, “John Knox, The Preacher,” 107.
29. Works, 3:286, 293–96, 298; Reid, Trumpeter of God, 77; Gill, “John Knox, The Preacher,” 108.
30. Works, 6:635; Percy, John Knox, 48.
31. Works, 2:333, 334, 387.
32. V. E. D’Assonville, John Knox and the Institutes of Calvin: A Few Points of Contact in Their Theology (Durban: Drakensberg Press Limited, 1968), 74, 75; Kyle, “Hermeneutical Patterns in Knox’s Use of Scripture,” 31.
33. Works, 3:280ff.
34. Works, 3:288–90.
35. Works, 2:442, 443, 445–47; 3:171, 191, 247; 4:399; 6:408; Richard Kyle, “The Divine Attributes in John Knox’s Concept of God,” WTJ 48 (1986): 165-67.
36. Works, 3:29–70; Richard Kyle, “John Knox and the Purification of Religion: The Intellectual Aspects of His Crusade Against Idolatry,” Archiv für Reformationsgeschichte 77 (1986): 265, 266; Percy, John Knox, 116; Carlos M. N. Eire, War Against the Idols (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986), 277–78.
37. Richard Kyle, “John Knox: A Man of the Old Testament,” WTJ 54 (1992): 65; Richard Kyle, “The Christian Commonwealth: John Knox’s Vision for Scotland,” JRH 16 (1991): 248.
38. Reid, Trumpeter of God, 208, 249; Gill, “John Knox, the Preacher,” 109, 110; Kyle, “Hermeneutical Patterns,” 24.
39. Works, 1:189–91. See Richard Kyle, “John Knox and Apocalyptic Thought,” The Sixteenth Century Journal 15 (1984): 449-69.
40. Works, 1:189–92.
41. Works, 1:228; 3:3.
42. Reid, Trumpeter of God, 48, 49; MacMillan, “John Knox—Preacher of the Word,” 12.
43. Works, 3:307–9.
44. Works, 3:308, 309; Ridley, John Knox, 146–48; Kyle, Mind of Knox, 258–60.
45. Works, 4:87, 88; Ridley, John Knox, 229; MacMillan, “John Knox—Preacher of the Word,” 12, 13; Frank D. Bardgett, Scotland Reformed: The Reformation in Angus and the Mearns (Edinburgh: John Donald, 1989), 46–49.
46. Works, 4:95, 96, 100, 101, 105, 111; Reid, Trumpeter of God, 159.
47. Works, 1:465–73; MacMillan, “John Knox—Preacher of the Word, “ 13, 14; Stewart Lamont, The Swordbearer: John Knox and the European Reformation (London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1991), 112.
48. Works, 1:465–73; “A Historie of the Estate of Scotland, From the Year 1559 to the Year 1566,” in Vol. 1 of The Miscellany of the Wodrow Society (ed. D. Laing; Edinburgh: Wodrow Society, 1847), 72; George Buchanan, The History of Scotland (6 vols.; Glasgow: Blackie and Son, 1845), 2:422; Reid, Trumpeter of God, 183, 184; MacMillan, “John Knox—Preacher of the Word,” 13, 14; Ridley, John Knox, 358, 559.
49. Works, 6:223–86.
50. Works, 6:229–73; Reid, Trumpeter of God, 239; Ridley, John Knox, 439–41.
51. Works, 2:497–500; 6:223–25; Ridley, John Knox, 440, 441; W. Stanford Reid, “The Coming of the Reformation to Edinburgh,” CH 42 (1973): 34.
52. Works, 6: 223–31.
53. Ridley, John Knox, 502, 503; Reid, Trumpeter of God, 270, 271; Bray, “Preaching: Themes and Styles,” 668; MacGregor, Thundering Scot, 218, 219.
54. Melville, Diary of Melville, 26, 33, 58; Ridley, John Knox, 502, 503; Reid, Trumpeter of God, 270; MacGregor, Thundering Scot, 220, 221; M’Crie, The Life of John Knox, 2:192, 193.
55. A few examples of these trends are as follows: Michael Lynch, Edinburgh and the Reformation (Edinburgh: John Donald, 1981); Bardgett, Scotland Reformed; Cowan, The Scottish Reformation; Gordon Donaldson, The Scottish Reformation (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1960); Mary B. Verschuur, “The Outbreak of the Scottish Reformation of Perth 11 May 1559: Knox’s History Re-Examined,” Scotia: American-Canadian Journal of Scottish Studies (1987): 41-53.
56. Robert M. Healey, “The Preaching Ministry in Scotland’s First Book of Discipline,” CH 58 (1989): 343-45; Gill, “John Knox, The Preacher,” 110; W. Taylor, The Scottish Pulpit from the Reformation to the Present Day (London: Charles Burnet, 1887), 62; James Kirk, Patterns of Reform (Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 1989), 95–153.
57. Works, 1:192; Melville, Diary of Melville, 26, 33; Bishop, “John Knox: Thundering Scot,” 74; MacMillan, “John Knox—Preacher of the Word,” 14, 15; David Calderwood, The History of the Kirk of Scotland (ed. T. Thomson; Edinburgh: Wodrow Society, 1842), 3:242.