Saturday, 8 April 2017

Chapter 5 - Alexandrian Theology

Christian theology developed in opposition to Greek philosophy and heretical tendencies. The Apologists turned back the objections of the pagan world and presented Christianity as the true philosophy; the anti-Gnostic fathers developed, on the basis of Scripture and tradition, a theology designed to protect orthodoxy from the speculations of Gnosticism and Greek philosophy. But what the Alexandrians offered as a substitute was a systematic world view based on philosophical insight, into which Christianity was inserted and upheld as the highest wisdom.

This was the first attempt to produce an actual synthesis between Christianity and Greek philosophy. Unlike the Apologists, the Alexandrians were not content simply to present the Christian tradition as a superior counterpart to philosophy. And unlike the Gnostics, they did not seek to replace Christianity with a syncretistic doctrine of salvation that abandoned some of the fundamental elements of the Christian faith.

The Alexandrian theologians wanted to preserve the Christian tradition in a faithful manner, and to do so they stood firmly on the Scriptures. At the same time they also possessed a consistent philosophical point of view, into the context of which they sought to insert the content of revelation in such a way as to create a new theological system. They used contemporary philosophy in this manner with the intent that the reality of faith could be set forth as a uniform and comprehensive world view. The purpose of this was not to mix Christianity and philosophy but only to present Christianity as the highest truth. Origen was one of the foremost Biblical theologians of all time, and he wanted to do nothing other than to set forth and interpret the meaning of Scripture. But as a result of his philosophical background he had a tendency to read philosophical and speculative implications into Scripture passages as their deepest meaning. This was done with the assistance of the allegorical method. Because of this, Origen’s system came to bear the imprint of the Greek philosophy that had developed in his time (and previously) at Alexandria, which was the chief center of Greek education in that period. It was, therefore, the basic element of this philosophy which significantly conditioned Alexandrian theology as it was developed by Clement and Origen.

The Platonism of Alexandria

It is usually said that the philosophical background discernible in the theology of Origen is Neoplatonic. This is not completely correct. The actual founder of the Neoplatonic school was Plotinus, a younger contemporary of Origen. This school was founded in 244, after Alexandrian theology had come into being. Most properly, therefore, it must be said that Neoplatonism was a philosophical parallel to the Alexandrian theological system. But Plotinus and Origen both had the same teacher—Ammonios Sakkos. Through him Origen came under the influence of embryonic Neoplatonism. Later research (E. de Faye; Hal Koch, Pronoia und Paideusis) has shown, however, that this influence was not as great as has been supposed. As a matter of fact, Origen was an eclectic. But as far as philosophical schools are concerned, he stood closest to the Platonism which burgeoned forth in Alexandria during the first centuries of the Christian era and which is commonly referred to as Middle-Platonism. This was a continuation of the ancient Academy, but it had transformed classical Platonism into a comprehensive world system in which religion rather than theoretical knowledge was the distinguishing component. The world of ideas as set forth here was not simply the conceptual world, but above all the spiritual world that emerged out of divinity. The fundamental aspects of this system turned up again in both Neoplatonism and the Alexandrian theologians.

“The Alexandrian world scheme” (cf. Anders Nygren’s Agape and Eros, trans. Philip S. Watson [London: SPCK, 1953], I, 186–89; the term is from Heinemann’s Plotinus of 1921) was based on the old Platonism, inasmuch as it proceeds from the antithesis between mind and matter, between the world of ideas and the empirical world. This antithesis was fundamental.

Within this “world scheme” God was conceived of as the only One, transcendent over all else. The intelligible world emanated from God in an eternal process. Thought (vους) was the first stage; the subsequent one was the world soul, which is the lowest within the spirit world. As the result of a fall which took place in the spirit world, the human soul was detached and united with the material. The world event is striving to fulfill this purpose, that the intelligent beings which to a greater or lesser degree had fallen away from their original state might, through training and cleansing, arise into the presence of divinity and thus be freed from the shackles of the material world. The goal, in other words, was to bring about an ecstatic reunion with God (ομοιωσις θεω) via this ongoing process of training and cleansing.

This cyclical scheme, which had already appeared in another form among the Gnostics, was fully developed in Alexandrian Platonism and formed the background for the theology of Origen and Clement. They employed this same scheme with certain alterations and additions. Within its frame the doctrine of salvation was set forth.

Clement

In Alexandria, about whose first Christian congregation we know very little, a catechetical school came into being in the middle of the second century, the first Christian institution for higher education. Towards the end of the second century this school experienced an unusual growth and became the matrix of Alexandrian theology. The first well-known theologian associated with the catechetical school in Alexandria was Pantaenus, who was soon overshadowed by his pupil Clement (ca. 150–215), who, in turn, taught Origen. The main features of the theological system proper were developed by Clement, but it was Origen’s utilization of this system which brought it into prominence.

The fundamental aspect of the theology of Clement is the idea of God’s pedagogy. In order that the fallen spirit of man shall be able to ascend to and be reunited with the divine, education is required. This is done through discipline and punishment, through admonition and instruction. This training is the very purpose of the existence of the material world. Clement made this clear in his major books, such as Admonition to the Greeks, The Instructor, and The Miscellanies.

The education of man is accomplished through the Logos, who revealed Himself in a final and definitive way within Christianity. But there was also a preparatory stage, prior to the coming of Christianity, and the same Logos who was manifested in Christ also exerted a pedagogical influence on men in that period. Among the Jews He proclaimed the Law, and among the Greeks it was philosophy which in a comparable fashion prepared the way for the coming of Christ. Greek philosophy, in other words, was a phase in God’s pedagogy, similar to the law of the Jews. Both helped to prepare men for the Incarnation and came out of the same source, the Logos, who appeared to men even before the birth of Christ. As seen from this point of view, philosophy, like the Law, is a vanquished position, inasmuch as Christ has come with the saving knowledge whereby men are brought to faith.

What has now been said is a partial explanation of Clement’s view of Christianity and philosophy. Christianity and philosophy, according to Clement, are not antithetical. Philosophy rather gives expression to the same revelation which was completed later on in Christianity. Therefore philosophy, according to Clement, is able to serve as “a kind of preparatory school for those who obtain faith through proof.”

But the influence of philosophy on Clement was expressed particularly in this, that it led him to conclude that “knowledge” is on a higher level than faith. He therefore distinguished between πιστις and γvωσις. The former, according to Clement, is the simple authoritarian Christian faith, quite literal in nature, and concerned about the fear of punishment and the hope of reward. The latter, on the other hand, is considered to be the higher form of knowledge, which does not believe on the basis of authority but rather evaluates and accepts the content of faith in the light of its own inner convictions. “Knowledge” leads to love, and love impels deeds which would not result from fear. Clement strongly emphasized the claim that knowledge is the higher level on which faith is brought to perfection. Only the “gnostic” could be a perfect Christian. Nevertheless, the difference between faith and knowledge was not considered to be identical with the Gnostic division of mankind into the hylics and the pneumatics. Clement did not think of men as being predestined to the one category or the other. Neither did he conceive of the knowledge to be derived on the higher level as being of a different kind from that which is found in faith. Faith was said to contain everything to a degree. But an external faith is unable to grasp the real meaning of faith, inasmuch as it accepts dogma simply on the basis of authority. “The gnostic,” on the other hand, is able to grasp the meaning of faith, having assimilated it internally. Clement’s challenge to the Christian, therefore, was to proceed from faith to knowledge. Knowledge leads to the vision of God and to a life of love toward one’s neighbor. Clement desired to replace the false gnosis of Gnosticism with the true, Scriptural gnosis of Christianity. The higher knowledge which he taught did not conflict with the external faith based on authority. But Clement’s development of the Christian gnosis was strongly influenced by Platonic philosophy, which formed his base of operation and which served, as he saw it, as a preparatory school to Christianity for those who were to proceed from “naked faith” to the deeper understanding of faith.

The main ideas in the Christian gnosis, as developed by Clement, recurred in the theological system of Origen, and for that reason will not be discussed further at this point.

Origen

The circumstances of Origen’s life are rather well known, particularly as a result of the work of Eusebius (Ecclesiastical History, VI). Born in Alexandria in 185, of Christian parents, he revealed enthusiasm for the Christian cause at an early age. In fact, while still a young man he almost died a martyr’s death, as did his father. In the year 203 he succeeded Clement as the head of the catechetical school in Alexandria, and he served there for many years. He enjoyed unusual success as a teacher, but the opposition of the bishop of Alexandria forced him into exile. He went to Palestine, where he founded a school in Caesarea similar to the one in Alexandria and continued his activity. He died in Caesarea in 251—or, according to another source, in Tyre in 254.

As a writer in the field of theology, Origen’s productivity was enormous. Only a portion of his writings have been preserved. His exegetical works consist of commentaries, homilies, and editions of texts. Origen had access to a number of manuscripts which have since been lost. In his greatest work, the Hexapla (“the Sixfold”), Origen placed six different versions of the Old Testament in parallel columns in an effort to determine the correct text. But only a small part of the Hexapla is still extant, and the same is true of his numerous homilies and commentaries. Origen’s theological point of view was expressed most clearly in his great literary battle with Celsus (Contra Celsum) as well as in the work in which he sought to set forth a comprehensive presentation of the Christian faith. The latter has been preserved in a Latin translation by Rufinus (De principiis). It is difficult to imagine the original scope of Origen’s production. Jerome estimated that he produced as many as 2,000 writings.

Early in his career Origen encountered opposition from those who charged him with teaching false doctrine. There were a number of unique points of view embodied in his theology, which was, in a general way, strongly influenced by Greek philosophy. For this reason Origen’s theology became increasingly controversial, and it was finally condemned as heretical by the Fifth Ecumenical Council (553). In spite of this, however, Origen has proved to be an extremely influential theologian. It can be said, as a matter of fact, that he was the founder of the Eastern theological tradition, just as Tertullian was the founder of the Western tradition.

Origen was a Biblical theologian, but as the result of his use of the allegorical method (borrowed from the Platonic tradition) his interpretation of the Bible also permitted the acceptance of the world view which was developed within the philosophical school of Alexandria.

It must be pointed out, however, that Origen did not only allegorize. As the outstanding exegete that he was, he also manifested an understanding of the historical meaning of the texts he worked with. His typological interpretations must also be distinguished from the allegorizing tendency. The former involved the exposition of Old Testament material within the framework of the history of salvation; Origen interpreted this eschatologically, Christologically, and sacramentally. The mystical interpretation, which refers to the Christian’s inner experience, also belongs in this category. These ways of interpreting Scripture have been employed to some extent throughout the entire Christian tradition. What was unusual about Origen was that he also used the allegorical method. This method had been used previously by the Jewish philosopher of religion Philo of Alexandria, who read Platonic philosophy into the Old Testament. On principle, this method is related to the Platonic point of view. It distinguishes between letter and spirit in the same way that Platonism generally distinguishes between substance and idea.

In Origen, allegory is based on the understanding that there is a spiritual meaning in the background of every passage of Scripture. Just as man consists of body, soul, and spirit, so Scripture possesses a literal (or “somatic”), a moralistic (or “psychic”), and a spiritual (or “pneumatic” significance. The latter is always present, and when the literal interpretation appears unreasonable, one must hold strictly to the spiritual.

Furthermore, the allegorical method assumes that all the details in Scripture are symbolic of great, universal spiritual realities, for example, the powers of the soul and cosmological events. The allegorizer, therefore, takes leave of solid historical ground and conceives of Scriptural pronouncements as purely spiritual or idealistic phenomena. This marks the difference between allegory and typology. It is plain that this method was well suited to elicit from Scripture the cosmological ideas which are present in Origen’s theological system. The allegorical method enabled him to create a synthesis between his system’s Christian and Hellenistic ideas.

The rule of faith, according to Origen, is identical with the content of Scripture. He provided a summary in the first part of his De principiis, in which work his theological system is most clearly presented. Here he inserted ideas from the Christian tradition into the framework of the Alexandrian world scheme. Three major themes are found here:
  1. Concerning God and the transcendental world;
  2. Concerning the fall into sin and the empirical world;
  3. Concerning salvation and the restoration of the finite spirits.
A characteristic motif in Origen’s theology has to do with the education of fallen rational creatures through divine providence. The three following basic ideas were presupposed: (a) the course of the world is guided by divine providence; it had its origin in God, and all things from the movements of the heavenly bodies to man’s earthly relationships are governed by a divine power. (b) The goal of God’s providential care of the world (in which man is central) is to restore the rational creatures who are here imprisoned in their bodies to their divine origin. (c) This restoration will take place as a result of education (παιδευσις)—which is to say that it is not a natural phenomenon, neither is any coercion employed, but it is to be accomplished by influencing man’s free will. That man has a free will was, for Origen, a fact established by the rule of faith itself. On this Origen constructed his theological system, and as a result his concept of salvation was presented in terms of education. As was true with Clement, the idea of God’s providential pedagogy was basic in Origen’s system.

1. Origen described God as the highest spiritual being, as far removed from the material and the physical as is possible. In the light of this, the anthropomorphisms in the Bible must be reinterpreted. They have no literal significance. Corporeality is incompatible with the concept of God. In this Origen is diametrically opposed to Tertullian.

God, out of goodness and love, created an intelligible world of a purely spiritual kind. This spirit world comes forth from God through all eternity. The Logos, Christ, is a part of this world. Origen rejected the idea that the Logos appeared first of all at the time of creation (cf. the Apologists and Tertullian). In place of this, he asserted that the Logos preexisted eternally in an independent way (“There never was a time when He was not”). The Logos was not created in time; He was born of God in eternity. As Origen conceived it, this birth of the Son in eternity was an emanation analogous to the emergence of the spirit world from divinity (cf. Irenaeus, who presented the same idea apart from this philosophical background). This gave rise to the question: How is the Son related to the Father? On the basis of his teaching of the birth of the Son in eternity, Origen said (a) that the Logos is of the same essence as the Father (ομοουσιος), but also (b) that the Son is nevertheless different from the Father and subordinate to Him. The Son is “the second God.” The Father alone is “not born” (αγεvvητος). Both the homoousios concept and subordinationism are therefore found in the theology of Origen.

2. The spiritual beings experienced a fall, whereby some of them were further removed from their origin than were others. They “cooled off” (ψυχος), so to speak, and became rational creatures, ψυχαι (plural of ψυχη). Thus it was that angels, men, and demons came into existence. The visible world was created as a consequence of the fall, in order to punish and purify man. The world provides the place and the conditions in and by which the divine instruction can take place. Origen, therefore, did not look upon creation as something evil (as did the Gnostics). He actually asserted that God created the visible world, but only for the purpose that man might receive instruction within it. The creation has no independent significance. Existence in the material world is, in part, punishment for rational spirits, but that is not all. For as Origen saw it, earthly things are symbolic of heavenly realities, and in contemplating them, it is hoped that man can be elevated to the heavenly level. Thus it was that the material world was also involved in the providential instruction of the human spirit.

3. Origen conceived of salvation in the following manner. Man is a spirit which has fallen from the intelligible world and has been ingrafted into a body which is animated by a soul. To be saved, man must rise again into the spirit world, there to be reunited with God. This salvation is accomplished through Christ, the Logos who became man. Christ’s soul did not fall from its pure state. His soul entered His body, and thus the divine and human natures were united. But, said Origen, the physical side of Christ was progressively absorbed by the divine so that He ceased being man (cf. Ignatius, who held that Christ remained in the flesh even after the Resurrection).

Origen did teach a doctrine of atonement, but inasmuch as this redemption was important chiefly to those who find themselves on the lower level of faith, as he saw it, the major emphasis was placed on the instruction which Christ imparts relative to the mysteries of the faith. Salvation is not completed until after death. The process of purification continues after death, and as a result of this men are brought to perfection and are reunited with God—first the good men, but also, at last, the evil ones. Everything shall be reunited with its origins (αποκαταστασις παvτωv). But any resurrection of the body is out of the question. Matter will no longer be found, neither will there be men anymore; all shall be brought back to a state of pure spirituality (“You are gods; you are all sons of the Most High”). Another fall, and the creation of new worlds, is a possibility. Here we note the influence of the Greek concept of the cyclical nature of history.

In Origen’s system, typical Platonic ideas were combined with the Christian tradition. Some aspects of this system are completely Hellenistic in nature, and thus have no relation to the Biblical proclamation. This is true, for example, of the idea of the intelligible world’s emanation from out of divinity, of the eventual restoration of all things, and of the cessation of all that is material and physical. In other cases, the Biblical tradition is faithfully preserved. Origen frequently did this, however, by bringing these two points of view into such intimate association that it is impossible to distinguish the Christian element from the Hellenistic. Origen’s method evolved into a uniform, systematic pattern of thought which was both Christian and Hellenistic. The pedagogy concept, for example, is a Greek idea, but Origen used it at the same time to express his Christian convictions. He deliberately chose to present a uniform description of the content of the rule of faith and at the same time provide an answer to the philosophical questions about life which were current in his day.

Friday, 7 April 2017

Chapter 4 - The Anti-Gnostic Fathers

The struggle against Gnosticism left its mark in a variety of ways on the theology developed by the church fathers in the first several centuries. The presentation of the Christian faith which we find in the so-called anti-Gnostic fathers must be understood against the background of this polemical situation. For these theologians of the early church, belief in the divine creation occupied a central place in a way which was not true in the later Western tradition, where the doctrine of salvation was often emphasized at the expense of other facets of Christianity. It was Gnostic idealism, with its denial of creation, which impelled the church fathers to treat the doctrine of God and creation, together with the problem of man, the Incarnation, and the resurrection of the body, in such great detail. Another obvious characteristic was the nomistic point of view which can be seen, for example, in Tertullian. This can also be explained in part against the background of Gnosticism, with its proclamation of freedom from the Law and its antinomian misinterpretation of the Pauline concept of justification.

Irenaeus

Irenaeus came from Asia Minor, where as a child he had seen and been influenced by Polycarp of Smyrna, who, in turn, was a disciple of John. His theology, moreover, is representative of the Johannine tradition which is associated with Asia Minor. Most of his work, however, was done in the West. He became bishop of Lyons about 177, and he remained there until the time of his death (early in the second century).

Only two of Irenaeus’ writings are still extant. The one is his comprehensive refutation of the Gnostics, Adversus haereses, of which a fragment of the Greek original and a Latin translation remain. The second, Epideixis, is a presentation of the basic teachings of the “apostolic proclamation.” This was known only by name for a long time, but it was rediscovered in an Armenian translation in 1904.

What Irenaeus sought to do above all in his theological work was to defend the apostolic faith against Gnostic innovations. The gnosis of Valentinus was the chief threat to Christianity, in his estimation, inasmuch as it imperiled church unity on the one hand and sought to destroy the distinction between Christianity and pagan religious speculation on the other.

Irenaeus has been called the father of Catholic dogmatics. There is some truth in that expression, insofar as he was the first to attempt to provide a uniform summary of the whole of Scripture. Irenaeus rejected the Apologists’ view of Christianity as the true philosophy. He refused to employ the assistance of Greek speculation, and he did not agree with those who said that the content of revelation was simply a new and better philosophy. For him the Biblical tradition was the only source of faith.

Irenaeus was, therefore, a Biblical theologian in a pronounced sense of the term. While the Gnostics sought for revelation in a hidden knowledge that was at least in part independent of the Bible, in myths and in mystery-wisdom, Irenaeus held forth the Scriptures as the only basis of faith. The Old and New Testaments were the means whereby revelation and the original tradition reach us. Beyond the Old Testament, which he thought of above all as the foundation of the doctrine of faith, Irenaeus referred to a collection of New Testament writings which he considered to be similarly authoritative and which was largely the same as our present canon. The word “testament” was not, of course, used in this context. The canon had not yet been formally established at that time. Some of the New Testament writings were thought to be too controversial; they were accepted as canonical in some circles, while in others their apostolic authority was challenged. For the most part, however, the scope of the New Testament canon was established even prior to Irenaeus’ time. His own use of the New Testament writings is, to some degree, an obvious demonstration of this fact.

Irenaeus said nothing about the distinction between Scripture and tradition which appeared later on in the field of dogmatics. The oral tradition which he cited as having decisive authority was the teaching of the apostles and the prophets, which was entrusted to the church and perpetuated by those in the church who received the Gospel from the apostles. As far as content was concerned, this was nothing other than the proclamation deposited in written form in the Old and New Testaments. The Gnostics, on the other hand, distorted the teachings of the Bible by relying on traditions which did not originate with the apostles. In a well-known passage (Adversus haereses, III, 3, 3) Irenaeus referred to the unbroken line of Roman bishops, beginning with the time of the apostles, to demonstrate the fact that it was the church—and not the heretics—which preserved the correct tradition. It would be wrong, however, to read into this text the concept of apostolic succession which developed later. Irenaeus, after all, was primarily concerned about doctrinal content and not about ordination.

On some occasions Irenaeus spoke of doctrinal authority in terms of regula veritatis, “the rule of truth.” In similar fashion, the church fathers frequently made mention of regula fidei, “the rule of faith,” as the determining factor in questions regarding Christian teachings. The significance of these concepts has been widely discussed; some have professed to see in them a reference to the formal baptismal confession which was worked out in the struggle with Gnosticism, while others have interpreted the rule of faith to refer to the Holy Scriptures. That “truth” which, according to Irenaeus, was the “rule” (the Greek word καvωv [canon] was used in this connection) was the revealed order of salvation which is witnessed to in the Bible and summarized in the baptismal confession. “The rule of truth” was not, therefore, fixed in a specific formula; neither did it designate the Scriptures as a doctrinal codex. It rather referred to revealed truth as this was reflected not only in the baptismal confession and the Scriptures but also in the preaching of the church. It was this revealed truth that Irenaeus used to combat the Gnostics, and it was this that he sought to interpret and describe in a manner consistent with the genuine apostolic tradition.

Irenaeus therefore derived his theology from the Scriptures. What he desired to do, above all, was to present God’s order of salvation from the creation to the fulfillment (οικοvομια salutis). Time, in his estimation, was a limited epoch; it began with creation and will end with the fulfillment. It is surrounded at both ends by eternity. It is within the context of time that the salvation event takes place. Within this context God has carried out the deeds to which Scripture bears witness and on which man’s salvation depends. To the Gnostics salvation was not something accomplished within history; it was an idea, a speculative scheme which claimed that the soul could be elevated over the temporal and reunited with its divine origins through the instrumentality of gnosis. To Irenaeus all of this was actual history, with the fulfillment expected at the end of time. The difference between the Greek view of the world and the Christian concept of time is plain to see in these opposing points of view.

Creation was a part of the divine order of salvation. God’s Son, the Savior, was present before the beginning of time in His preexistent state. Man was created so that the Savior should not be alone, so that there should be someone to save (cf. Gustav Wingren, Man and the Incarnation According to Irenaeus, 1947, p. 28). Everything was created through the Son and for the Son. Salvation was accomplished for the same reason that God created: that man might be like God. Man was created in the image of God, but as a result of the Fall this similarity was lost. The meaning of salvation is that man might realize his destiny once again, that man might become the image of God according to the prototype discernible in Christ. Man stands at the center of creation. Everything else has been created for man’s use. But man was created for Christ and to become like Christ, who is the Center of all existence, the One who sums up everything in heaven and on earth. (Cf. Adversus haereses, V, 16, 2)

As seen from this point of view, creation and salvation are joined together because there is but one God who both creates and saves. The Gnostic teaching of the two gods blasphemed the Creator. It also implied that salvation was impossible. For if God did not create, neither can creation be saved. If God was not the Creator, neither would He save creation. But this is the goal of the entire order of salvation.

To the Gnostics salvation consisted of deliverance from creation, from the material world, and a return to pure spirituality. To Irenaeus, on the other hand, salvation meant that creation itself would be restored to its original state, that creation would finally achieve its Godgiven destiny. Salvation to Irenaeus did not mean, in other words, that the spirit of man would be released from its material bondage, but rather that the whole man, with body and soul, would be freed from the devil’s dominion, returned to his original purity, and become like God.

Man was created, according to Gen. 1:26, in God’s “image” and “likeness.” It has often been said that Irenaeus was the first to introduce the idea (widely accepted later on) which held that these concepts pointed to two distinct qualities in man. This, however, is not correct. For Irenaeus frequently used both of these concepts to express the same matter, and these passages would seem to be decisive. (Cf, Wingren)

When it is said that man was created in the image of God, this, according to Irenaeus, is indicative of man’s true destiny. It does not mean that man is the image of God but rather that he was created to become that. Christ, who is God Himself, is the image of God after which man was created. Man’s destiny, therefore, is to become like Christ. This is the goal of salvation and of the work of the Holy Spirit.

At the time of creation, man was a child; he was not then fully developed, but he was created to grow. If man had lived in accordance with the will of God he would have grown, and through the creative power of God he would have achieved his destiny—complete Godlikeness. Irenaeus understood growth, not as an inner development but as the result of God’s continued creativity.

But man departed from the way of obedience, having been tempted by the devil, one of the angels who, overcome by their envy of man, fell away from God. Thus it was that man came under the dominion of the devil. Man is caught up in the struggle between God and Satan.

The intent of the order of salvation, therefore, is to free from the clutches of the devil those whom he has wrongfully seized. This is the work of redemption, which was carried out through Christ. He has conquered the devil and thereby accomplished man’s release. But in spite of this, the struggle continues. It must be said, however, that it entered a new phase after the resurrection of Christ. As a result, the decisive battle has been fought out. What happens is that men are drawn into the victory of Christ and thereby receive the life which was lost through Adam’s fall.

This order of salvation can be pictured in various ways, such as release from bondage or as victory after struggle (see above). It can also be described in legalistic terms: naturalia praecepta—lex Mosaica—Christ, the new covenant, the restoration of the original law. The original law, having been given at the time of creation, expresses God’s will for man. Man’s destiny is to live in a manner consistent with this law, in obedience to God’s command. In so doing, man receives life and righteousness from the hand of God and goes forward toward the goal of perfection and Godlikeness. This law was written in the heart, and man is free to follow it or to break it. But when man goes contrary to God’s command, he comes under the dominion of sin. Thus it was that God entered into a new covenant with man, through the Israelites, and gave man the Mosaic law. The purpose of this law was to discipline man, to reveal sin and keep it in its place, and to maintain order in an external way until the coming of Christ. As seen in this context, Christ’s task was to abrogate the Mosaic law and to restore the law which was given at the time of creation and which had been obscured by the Pharisaic regulations. Christ frees from the thralldom of the Law through His Spirit, which regenerates man and fulfills the law within him. The Holy Spirit restores obedience, and man is thereby regenerated according to the law which was given at the time of creation. This original law was an expression of that which constituted man’s Godlikeness. There is, therefore, a parallel between the assertion that man was created in the image of God and that which is said about natural law.

Life and death are related to the Law, and Irenaeus described the order of salvation in these categories as well. Life and obedience to the Law go together. When man obeys God’s commands, he receives life from God, but when he falls into disobedience, he comes under the power of death. For disobedience to God is the equivalent of death. It was because of disobedience that the stream of life was broken, and when this was done death appeared in the world of men. Death, therefore, is not associated with the body and created life in an eo ipso manner; it is rather something that has been imposed upon man because of sin. This is reflected in Gen. 2:17: “For in the day you eat of it you shall die.” Salvation implies that life has been restored through Christ's victory over death. By believing in Christ, man can recover the life that was lost through the Fall. Salvation bestows the gift of immortality. The body will certainly die because of sin, in order that the power of sin might be reduced. The new life in the Spirit is activated by faith, and it reaches fulfillment after death. Then there will no longer be anything in man that belongs to death. The man who has been restored has realized the destiny for which he was created—to become like God and to live without dying.

The basic idea in Irenaeus’ presentation of the order of salvation is that the work of creation has been restored and recapitulated in the salvation wrought through Christ. In opposition to the Gnostics, who taught that salvation consists of the release of the spirit from the material world, Irenaeus insisted that God and man, body and soul, heaven and earth are able to overcome the split occasioned by the incursion of sin and to be reunited once again. This, for Irenaeus, was the meaning of salvation.

Christ is the second Adam, a counterpart of the first Adam. The latter brought death and ruin into creation because of his disobedience. Christ, through His obedience, restores creation to its pure state. Adam yielded to the temptation of the serpent and thus came under the dominion of the devil. Christ overcame temptation and thus vanquished the tempter’s power over mankind. He epitomizes the entire human race, just as the first Adam did. On the strength of His obedience and work of atonement, He became the fountainhead of a new humanity. He has perfected that which was spoiled through Adam’s fall. Through Him humanity continues to grow toward the goal of perfection. Creation is restored, and its destiny is realized. Christ’s redemptive work began with His birth of the virgin Mary and will be completed at the time of the general resurrection, when all enemies will have been subjugated to Christ, and God will be all in all.

Irenaeus described this entire oeconomia salutis in a single concept: recapitulation (αvακεφαλαιωσις). This word means “recapitulation”; it also connotes “restoration.” This concept is derived from Eph. 1:10, where mention is made of God’s decree concerning “a plan for the fullness of time, to unite all things in Him, things in heaven and things on earth.”

For Irenaeus, therefore, “recapitulation” was a designation for all of Christ’s redemptive activity, from the time of His birth to the Day of Judgment. In carrying out this work Christ repeated that which happened at the time of creation, even though this was done, so to speak, in the reverse sequence. “He has recapitulated the first creation in Himself. For just as sin entered the world through one man’s disobedience, and death through sin, so also has righteousness come into the world through one man’s obedience, bringing life to those who formerly were dead.” (Adversus haereses, III, 21, 9–10)

Recapitulation also implies perfection, or completion. That which was given through Christ, and which comes into being through His obedience, is superior to that which was given at the time of creation. Man was still a “child” at that time. Because of the salvation which has been wrought, man can grow up to complete Godlikeness, as represented in the person of Christ.

Irenaeus developed his Christology in opposition to the Docetic point of view championed by Gnosticism. The work of salvation presupposes that Christ is both true man and true God. “If the enemies of man had not been overcome by man, they could not have been truly overcome; furthermore, if our salvation is not from God, we cannot be sure that we are saved. And if man has not been united with God, it would not be possible for him to share in immortality” (III, 18, 7; cf. Gustav Aulen, History of Dogma, p. 32). Here we find a strong emphasis on Christ’s humanity: a real man had to walk the way of obedience so that the order which was shattered by Adam’s disobedience might be restored. At the same time, it was God alone who could carry out the work of redemption. Christ is truly man and truly God (vere homo, vere deus).

The Son has existed with the Father from all eternity. But how the Son came from the Father is not revealed. As a result, man can know nothing about that. Irenaeus rejected the Logos speculations of the Apologists, in which the birth of the Son was compared to the way in which the Word proceeded out of reason. “Should it be asked, ‘How was the Son brought forth out of the Father?’ this is our answer: ‘Concerning His generation, or birth, or manifestation, or revelation, or however one will express HIS ineffable birth, no one knows; not Marcion, not Valentinus, not Saturninus, not Basilides. Only the Father, who brought forth, and the Son, who was born, know about this’” (II, 28, 6). The Apologists said that a birth took place in time (the Word proceeded from the divine reason at the time of creation). Irenaeus, on the other hand, seems to have contemplated the possibility of a birth in eternity, but he did not express himself in a specific way on this point.

It was typical of Irenaeus that he refused to explain more precisely how it was that Christ came forth from the Father; the same was true with respect to the relationship between God and man in Christ. He sought to set forth the content of Scripture without the assistance of philosophy and to hold fast to the rule of faith without giving way to mere speculation. In Adversus haereses, I, 10, 1 Irenaeus provided a brief summary of the faith which had been handed down from the apostles: “The church extends throughout the entire world, to the uttermost ends of the earth. It has received its faith from the apostles and their followers. This faith is in the one God, Father almighty, who made the heavens and the earth and the seas and all within them; and in Christ Jesus, God’s Son, who, to redeem us, took human form; and in the Holy Spirit, who, through the prophets, has proclaimed God’s order of salvation, the Lord’s twofold advent, His birth of a virgin, His suffering, His resurrection from the dead, His physical ascension into heaven, and His return from heaven in the glory of the Father. Christ shall return in order to ‘restore all things’ and to reawaken all flesh in the entire human race, so that all knees shall bow before and all tongues shall praise Jesus Christ, who, according to the invisible Father’s pleasure, is our Savior and King.”

There is in the theology of Irenaeus a parallel to the millennial doctrine, but he avoids speaking of the “1,000 years.” He rather refers to a “kingdom of the Son,” in which the dominion of Christ will be manifested in a visible way on earth. Furthermore, the Antichrist will be vanquished, nature will be renewed, and the faithful will reign with Christ in this “kingdom of the Son.” This will precede the second resurrection and the Day of Judgment. Eternity will begin after the judgment is complete, when the Son shall deliver up the Kingdom to the Father, and God will then be “all in all.” (Cf. Wingren, pp. 212 ff.)

Tertullian

In a long series of learned and incisive writings, Tertullian involved himself in the ecclesiastical controversies of his time in order to defend the Christian faith and to instruct the faithful. He was the first of the church fathers with a typically “Western style,” and in many respects he was the founder of the Western theological tradition.

Tertullian was born at Carthage in the middle of the second century; originally a pagan, he was converted to Christianity as a mature man. He practiced law in Rome for a time, but after his conversion he returned to private life in Carthage, where he devoted himself to studying and writing. His literary activity was confined approximately to the period between 195 and 220. In about the year 207 Tertullian associated himself with the Montanist movement, which later manifested sectarian tendencies.

As an author, Tertullian was very distinctive. In contrast to the earlier writers, he employed a formal style. He was prominent in the field of rhetoric, and his fund of knowledge was broad and deep. He was not a philosopher, however; he was more interested in social matters, and he had a good grasp of the law. He was a critical observer of life in general, and his writings manifest his strongly individualistic point of view. His deep interest in practical matters and his firm attachment to reality are characteristic of the Western point of view. As Karl Holl has written of Tertullian, “In him the Western spirit spoke clearly for the first time.” (Gesammelte Aufsätze, III, 2)

Passionate enthusiasm and an ingenious dialectic characterized Tertullian’s polemical writings. Because of his uneven, paradoxical and terse style, Tertullian is sometimes hard to understand.

The theological writings of Tertullian have exerted a widespread and significant influence. This has been true chiefly because he produced certain formulations that came into current usage and coined some theological terminology that has been a part of theological literature ever since (in the Latin language which he used). Furthermore, some of his concepts have provided the prototype for later developments in the field of theology. This was true, for example, with respect to the doctrine of the Trinity, Christology, and original sin. Tertullian was the precursor of Cyprian, who became his disciple, and of Augustine.

Tertullian’s contributions to the age in which he lived were found in his polemical writings as well as in his pronouncements concerning practical ecclesiastical problems. Like the Apologists, he fought against paganism (cf. Apologeticum). Gnosticism was to him, as to Irenaeus, the chief opponent (cf. Adversus Marcionem; De praescriptione haereticorum). Finally, he also turned against Modalism (cf. Adversus Praxean). Tertullian wrote a number of books in order to develop his doctrinal convictions and to express himself with respect to practical congregational questions.

Tertullian’s theology was, to a large extent, conditioned by his struggle with the Gnostics. His well-known rejections of philosophy must be seen in this context, for in his estimation philosophy was the source of the Gnostic heresy. Valentinus learned from Plato, Marcion from the Stoics, and as a result they transformed Christianity into a pagan philosophy of religion. Wrote Tertullian: “The philosophers and the heretics discuss the same subjects, and they employ the same involved argumentation. Poor Aristotle! It was you who taught them dialectics, to become champions at building up and tearing down. They are so cunning in their theories, so labored in their inferences, so sure about their evidence, so officious in their debates, which become burdensome by virtue of the fact that they deal with everything in such a way that, in the final analysis, nothing has been dealt with. What does Athens have to do with Jerusalem? What does the academy have to do with the church? What do heretics have to do with Christians? Our doctrine stems from Solomon’s hall of pillars, from him who had learned that man must seek for the Lord with a heart of innocence. For all I care, one can, if he pleases, bring forth a Stoic and Platonic and dialectic Christianity. Since the Gospel of Christ has been proclaimed to us, we no longer need to inquire, or to examine into such things. If we have faith, we have no desire for anything beyond faith. For this is the first principle of our faith: There is nothing beyond this faith which we must believe” (De praescript., 7). If one seeks for something beyond faith, he thereby reveals the fact that he does not really have faith. Such a man rather has faith in that for which he is seeking (ibid., 11). The Gnostics go beyond faith in their wisdom. The Christian, on the other hand, holds fast to the simple faith which is revealed in the Scriptures and preserved in the apostolic tradition. “To know nothing in opposition to the rule [of faith] is to know all things.” (Ibid., 14)

Tertullian’s rejection of philosophy was, therefore, involved in his struggle against the heretics. “The philosophers are the fathers of the heretics,” he wrote (Adversus Hermogenem, 8). But this rejection can also be explained thus, that Tertullian recognized a fundamental distinction between faith and reason in epistemology. That which a man believes cannot be comprehended with his reason. The knowledge of faith is different from the knowledge of reason. The former possesses its own wisdom, which has nothing to do with rational evidence. Concerning the resurrection of Christ, Tertullian said: “It is certain because it is impossible” (De carne Christi, 5; cf. De baptismo, 2). It is this kind of “irrationalism” which is usually characterized with the expression credo quia absurdum (“I believe because it is absurd”). This phrase is not to be found in Tertullian, but it certainly does express his thoughts on this point.

What has just been quoted, however, is representative of but one side of Tertullian’s understanding of faith and reason. Other passages in his writings set forth his more positive opinion concerning human reason. He does this without calling upon philosophy to bolster his arguments. In this matter Tertullian does not make the same strict demands upon theology as does Irenaeus.

It has sometimes been said that there is a rationalistic strain in Tertullian’s so-called natural theology. He did say on occasion that the non-Christian has a natural understanding of the one God; the soul of man is naturaliter Christiana. Tertullian also propounded the cosmological proof of the existence of God: the beauty and order of creation is proof of the Creator’s presence in the world, said he. These and similar thoughts were, however, intended to demonstrate the universality of Christianity and to support the Christian belief in a divine creation. As a result, one cannot justifiably accuse Tertullian of rationalism.

Even though he severely criticized philosophy, Tertullian frequently employed philosophical ideas and formulations. In opposing the spiritualism which was characteristic of Gnosticism, for example, he borrowed certain thought patterns from the Stoics, which were then shaped into a “realistic” theory. It is this realism which, to a certain degree at least, distinguishes Western thought from Greek thought. But Tertullian carried this to an extreme: theology, he said, must be connected with manifest reality at every point. The physical body provides the pattern for all reality. “Everything that is is a body of some kind; nothing is incorporeal except that which does not exist” (De carne Christi, 11). As a consequence of this thesis, Tertullian even ascribed corporeality to God, and he also contemplated the possibility that the soul has an invisible body. His theory concerning the origin of the soul was related to this; the soul, according to Tertullian, is transmitted by natural birth from one generation to the next. This concept is known as traducianism. The other theory concerning the origin of the soul is called creationism, which holds that the soul of each man is a new creation, direct from the hand of God. (Cf. Karpp, Probleme altchristlicher Anthropologie, 1950)

The doctrine of the Trinity occupies an important position in Tertullian’s theology. In working with this facet of his theology, Tertullian adopted the Logos concepts of the Apologists and developed them further. His formulations provided the basis for the Trinitarian formulas and the Christology which were accepted later on.

Tertullian applied the Logos concept in the manner of the Apologists. Christ, he said, is the divine Word, which proceeded from out of God’s reason at the time of creation. When God said, “Let there be light,” the Word was born. Christ is one with God, and yet He is distinct from the Father. He has come forth from the essence of God as the rays emerge from the sun, as plants from their roots, or a river from its source. Therefore the Son is subordinate to the Father. He is the one who has revealed God, while God Himself is invisible. Like the Apologists, Tertullian used the expression “subordinationism.” He strongly emphasized that the Son and the Holy Spirit are one with the Father but at the same time somewhat different from the Father. “The Father is not the Son; He is greater than the Son; for the one who gives birth is different from the one who is born; the one who sends out is different from the one who is sent” (Adversus Praxean, 9). In order to express the relationship between the Father, the Son, and the Holy Spirit, Tertullian coined the term persona, which eventually became the accepted term in this context. The Son, as an independent person, has come forth from the Father. The Logos has an independent existence. And yet the three persons are one, just as the sun’s rays are one with the sun. To express this unity, Tertullian used the term substantia, which parallels the Greek word ουσια “essence” or “substance.” This term, too, came to be commonly accepted in the formulation of the doctrine of the Trinity.

The three persons preexisted in God. But when they proceeded from God and into time, this took place in accordance with the order of salvation. The Son went forth from the Father in order to declare the order of salvation. The three persons denote different stages in God’s revelation, but they are nevertheless one—just as the root brings forth a plant, and the plant bears fruit, while together they form one and the same plant. This view of the Trinity is usually referred to as an “economic” doctrine of the Trinity. The difference between the persons is described on the basis of their activity in the order of salvation.

Tertullian developed his Christology in opposition to modalism (of which more will be said later on). He drew a sharp distinction between the divine and human qualities in Christ. They have reference to two different substances, said he, which were united in one person, Christ, but not combined. When Christ said, “My God, My God, why hast Thou forsaken Me?” it was not God the Father who cried out (“For if so, to which God did He cry?”)—it was the man, the Son, who cried to the Father. Christ suffered only as the Son, Tertullian asserted, and thereby rejected patripassionism (Praxeas), which so confused God and Christ that it claimed that it was the Father who suffered. It must also be pointed out, however, that Tertullian used such expressions as Deus mortuus and Deus crucifixus, which need not contradict what was said above. But he said nothing specific about the relationship between the divine and human qualities. The Logos appeared in the flesh, clad in a corporeal form, but was not changed into flesh. The subsequent doctrine of Christ’s two natures was based on Tertullian. His terminology can be presented schematically in the following manner:

One substance (ουσια)— three persons (υποστασεις): Father, Son, Holy Spirit.

The person of Christ—divine and human nature (the substance of the Creator and human substance).

Irenaeus presented Christ as the Savior from the power of sin, who, through His Spirit, redeems man from the corruption of sin so that man can be restored to his original purity. Salvation was described, in other words, in terms of the recovery of health and wholeness. In Tertullian a different point of view comes to the fore: he presented Christ as the teacher who proclaims a new law (nova lex), thereby strengthening man’s free will so that he can live according to God’s commands. To live in a manner consistent with God’s law is set forth as the goal of salvation. This is achieved through instruction in the Law. The concept of merit is dominant. God rewards or punishes on the basis of merit. The relationship between God and man is seen in the contest of a judicial system. If God did not avenge and punish, there would be no reason to fear Him and to do what is right. Salvation, said Tertullian, is given as a reward for human merit. Good deeds as well as evil must be recompensed by God. This interpretation is clearly antithetical to that of Marcion, who so emphasized the love of God that all considerations of retribution and wrath were denied.

Tertullian’s doctrine of grace was also introduced into this scheme. It is grace which saves—by which Tertullian meant to say that grace takes away the corruption which has adhered to human nature as a result of the incursion of sin. The idea that this corruption is to be found in nature itself, and is transmitted through birth, is to be found in Tertullian. This is where the doctrine of original sin began to take form. Through grace man can receive the power needed to live the new life. Grace is conceived as a power which is bestowed upon man and thus enables him to live a meritorious life. On the basis of this doctrine of sin—grace—merit, which Tertullian developed in the course of his controversy with Marcion (who stressed God’s love), the foundation was laid for the doctrine of salvation which dominated Western medieval theology and, later on, Roman Catholicism.

As noted above, Tertullian joined the Montanist movement, partly as a result of the church’s lax practice with respect to penance. The Montanist sect originated in Asia Minor in the middle of the second century, and spread from there to Rome and North Africa. It was remarkable for its strong emphasis on prophecy and the free gifts of the Spirit, for its belief that the end of the world was near, and for its rigid asceticism and strict practice of penance.

Because of his association with the Montanists, Tertullian is remembered as having been something of a schismatic, but at the same time he was also one of the chief opponents of heresy, as well as one of the foremost architects of orthodox Western theology.

Hippolytus

Hippolytus, who was a bishop in Rome and an opponent of Pope Calixtus (whose attitude with regard to penance he sharply disapproved), was banished to Sardinia during a persecution (ca. 235), and he died in exile. He wrote a number of books (in Greek), some of which are still extant, in which he continued the defense of Christian doctrine against Greek philosophy and ecclesiastical heresy. His best-known work is entitled Philosophoumena (or The Refutation of All Heresy), which is actually an encyclopedic survey of the philosophical ideas which stemmed from the Greek natural philosophers, of the various magical and religious concepts prevalent in his day, as well as of the ecclesiastical heresies which, according to Hippolytus, had their roots in Greek philosophy. This work testifies to the author’s extensive learning and provides valuable knowledge concerning the various schools of thought which Hippolytus here describes. The polemical material, on the other hand, which was directed primarily at the Gnostics and the modalists, does not possess the same originality and power as do the polemics of Irenaeus and Tertullian.

Chapter 3 - Jewish Christianity and Gnosticism

Jewish Christianity

The term “Jewish Christianity” means many different things, and it is used in various ways by those engaged in research. It can refer to the Palestinian Christianity of the post-Ascension period, that is, the Christians of Jewish birth, who lived in Palestine and had their center in the congregation at Jerusalem—in contrast to the Christians who came out of a pagan background. On some occasions, however, the term is used to identify certain sectarian groups which emanated from the Jerusalem congregation after the Christian community there was driven into the area east of the Jordan about the year 66. It is in this sense that the term will be used here. One of the prime characteristics of this heretical Jewish Christianity, which is also known as “Ebionism” (after the Old Testament termevjonim, “the poor,” originally a name honoring the Christians of Jerusalem), was their confusion of Jewish and Christian elements. According to what has been reported, the Jewish Christians may have assimilated the Essene monks, who have become well known in recent years through the discovery of the Dead Sea scrolls. The history of Ebionism is, for the most part, cloaked in darkness. Neither the fragments of literature which have been preserved, nor the references found in the church fathers provide us with a detailed picture of the ideas and customs of this group. Certain main lines of thought can, however, be reconstructed.

The Ebionites held fast to the validity of the law of Moses; one faction held that this applied only to them, but another, more militant faction insisted that Christians who came out of a pagan background were also obligated to the law of Moses. Another prominent idea associated with the Ebionites was that they expected a Messianic kingdom to be established with its center in Jerusalem. This reflects their identification of Judaism and Christianity.

It is certainly true that the universal church considers itself to be a continuation of the Old Testament community, the true Israel, but this does not prevent a strong denial of “Jewishness” and the Jewish interpretation of the Law. Paul, for example, fought against those who wished to reintroduce circumcision (cf. Gal. 5), and he demonstrated how freedom in Christ excluded adherence to the way of righteousness which depended on the Law. The Ebionites, who held fast to Jewish precepts and considered them valid for congregational life, repudiated Paul’s interpretation of the Law, as a result, and refused to accept his epistles.

In the writings of the Jewish Christians (the most important of which is the so-called “Pseudo-Clement,” which contains, among other things, “The Preaching of Peter,” plus a number of apocryphal gospels) Christ is put on the same level as the prophets of the Old Testament. He is here described as a new form of revelation of “the true Prophet,” who appeared earlier in Adam and Moses, among others. The concept of Christ as the new Moses expressed the unity of Judaism and Christianity which was prominently emphasized in Ebionism. Christ was said to be “a man born of men” (cf. Justin, Dialogue with Trypho the Jew, p. 48), or, as it was often put later on, “simply and only a man.” The Ebionites therefore denied the preexistence of Christ; some of them also denied the Incarnation and the Virgin Birth. They assumed that Jesus received the Holy Spirit at the time of His baptism and was thereby chosen to be the Messiah and the Son of God. Salvation was not associated with Christs death and resurrection; it was rather thought that it would first become a reality at the time of Christ’s second coming, when, according to expectations, an earthly millennium would begin.

On the basis of these ideas, Ebionism provided the prototype of a Christology which conceived of Christ in purely human terms and which assumed that He was not the Son of God until he was “adopted as such at the time of His baptism or resurrection” (the “adoptionist Christology”). Christ’s divine attributes were thereby rejected.

As seen in the light of history, Jewish Christianity did not exert a great influence on the development of Christian theology. It was divided into various groups, and rather soon died out. In all likelihood it did not exist for more than 350 years at the most. On the other hand, however, it exerted a strong influence on Mohammedanism, in which some of its ideas reappeared in a new form. One of these was the concept of the “true prophet”; another was the parallel between Moses and Jesus.

If Jewish Christianity represents a confusion of Jewish and Christian elements, Gnosticism involved a combination of Hellenistic religion and Christianity. Ebionism was quite different from Gnosticism, therefore; it was particularly opposed to Marcion and his repudiation of the Law (see the next section). In spite of this, however, we shall see in certain areas a combination of Gnostic and Jewish Christian ideas. This is true, for example, among the Elkesaites, who were probably named for a certain Elkesai, who might have been the author of a document which bears his name. Another example involves the adversaries mentioned in Col. 2, who also seem to have united Gnostic and Jewish ideas (cf. the reference here to “philosophy and empty deceit” (v. 8) and “an appearance of wisdom in promoting rigor of devotion” (v. 23). It would not be correct, however, to say that the main concepts of Jewish Christianity were Gnostic in form and origin. (Schoeps, Theologie und Geschichte des Judenchristentums, 1949)

Gnosticism

Gnosticism is the common name applied to a number of different schools of thought which developed in the first centuries of the Christian era. Insofar as the Christian “gnosis” is concerned, this refers to an attempt to include Christianity in a general religio-philosophical system. The most important elements in this system were certain mystic and cosmological speculations, plus a distinct dualism between the world of the spirit and the material world. Its doctrine of salvation emphasized the freeing of the spirit from its bondage in the material realm. This cult came equipped with its own mysteries and sacramental ceremonies, in addition to an ethic which was either ascetic or libertine.

Origins. The question of the origin of Gnosticism has been discussed at great length, and there does not seem to be any simple answer. Most of the Gnostic literature has been lost. However, some of it has been preserved in a Coptic translation in Egypt, e. g., the “Pistis Sophia,” the “Gospel of Thomas,” and the “Gospel of Truth.” The two last-named writings were included in the significant manuscript discovery made at the village of Nag Hammadi (near Luxor) in 1946. Among the items found there, in an earthenware jug preserved in the sand, were 13 codices, including no less than 48 writings, all of Gnostic origin. This discovery has not yet been completely evaluated or made available to researchers. For the most part, our knowledge of Gnosticism has come down to us from the writings of the church fathers. They cite Gnostic authors, or refer to their teachings from time to time in their polemical sections.

The church fathers agreed that Gnosticism began with Simon Magus (Acts 8), but apart from this their reports vary. According to a certain Hegesippus, who was quoted by Eusebius (IV, 22), Gnosticism began among certain Jewish sects. The later church fathers (Irenaeus, Tertullian, Hippolytus), on the other hand, were of the opinion that Greek philosophy (Plato, Aristotle, Pythagoras, Zeno) was the chief source of the Gnostic heresy. If we are asking here about the Gnosticism which developed on Christian soil, these accounts need not be in hopeless contradiction. For this type of Gnosticism was a syncretistic system which combined widely disparate streams of thought.

When we speak of Gnosticism, we usually have in mind the system which developed in the Christian period, the “Gnostic heresy” which the church fathers opposed so strenuously. But Gnosticism was already present when Christian history began; it was then a rather vague religious phenomenon, a speculative doctrine of salvation with contributions from a number of different religious traditions. It came from the Orient, where it was influenced by the religions of Babylonia and Persia. The cosmological myths testify to its Babylonian origins, while its thoroughgoing dualism relates it to the religion of Persia. Mandaeanism is an example of a Gnostic religious formation in the Persian area. Subsequently Gnosticism appeared in Syria and on Jewish soil, particularly in Samaria, and there absorbed a Jewish coloration. It was this form of Gnosticism which existed at the beginning of the Christian era, and the apostles encountered it in Simon Magus, who was present in Samaria. From that point on a Gnostic school began to develop in the Christian sphere, with elements derived from Christianity. Because of this similarity, Gnosticism did not appear as an enemy of Christianity. It rather intended to blend Christianity and the other speculative elements already present within it into some kind of a universal religious system. It was in this form that Gnosticism appeared in the second century, with its chief exponents in Syria (Saturninus), Egypt (Basilides), and Rome (Valentinus). This later system was also deeply influenced by Greek religious philosophy. For a long time Gnosticism was Christianity’s most dangerous opponent. The Christian polemic against Gnosticism was accompanied by a development of theological thought which had no parallel within the history of the church up to that point.

Tendencies. As we have already noted, many different tendencies were found within Gnosticism. The mythologies and systems which appeared under its general auspices were numerous and disparate.

According to Acts 8:9–24 Simon Magus appeared in Samaria, where Gnosticism had one of its roots. Simon identified himself as the “power of God” and pretended, therefore, to be a Messiah-figure. He also proclaimed freedom from the Law. He taught that salvation came, not through good works but through faith in him. According to the church fathers Simon Magus’ teaching was the prototype of all heresy.

Saturninus appeared in Syria in the early years of the second century. His Gnostic system betrays an oriental influence.

Basilides worked in Egypt around the year 125. His Gnosticism was more philosophical in nature, and the Greek influence was stronger.

Valentinus, who was active in Rome from 135 to 160, has provided us with the classical presentation of the Gnostic system. The Greek contribution is also prominent in his work.

Marcion was included among the Gnostics by the church fathers. His teaching is similar to Gnosticism at many points. He was at the same time, however, the founder of his own unique school of thought, and his system was, in many respects, his own creation. As we shall see more clearly in what follows, the theological position held by Marcion and the Gnostics was frequently identical. But there is a difference, as Adolf von Harnack emphasized in his History of Dogma. For while Gnosticism is a religious potpourri, in which Christianity and Greek philosophy are blended together, Marcion attempted a radical reorganization of Christianity on the basis of certain ideas gleaned from Paul plus the elimination of all Jewish elements.

Chief concepts. Apart from Marcion, Gnosticism contains certain major concepts held in common by all of the schools and systems associated with it, even though the mythology and the cultic customs vary.

Gnosticism’s fundamental metaphysics, which was defined most specifically in the work of Valentinus, has been described by the church father Irenaeus (Adversus haereses, I) and others. It is presented in mythological form under the hypostatization of a number of abstract concepts such as truth, wisdom, and reason. The basic point of view is dualistic in nature, which is to say that it proceeds from a contrast between the world of the spirit and the material world, together with a contrast between good and evil and between a higher and a lower sphere.

Because of this dualism, Gnosticism distinguished between the highest God and a lower deity, and it was the latter, they said, who created the world. The highest God was conceived in completely abstract terms as the ultimate spiritual essence; attempts to describe this God more specifically were not made, and He was not associated with any revelation. He was thought to be as far away from the world as possible. The Gnostics also insisted that this God could not have created the world. The world is evil, after all, and therefore it must have its origin in an inferior spiritual essence, in which evil is to be found. This creator god, or demiurge, was said to be the God of the Old Testament—the Jewish God. Gnosticism was antagonistic toward the Old Testament; it also rejected the Law, insisting that man could acquire superior insights which would free him of dependence on it. It was for this reason, above all, that the church fathers fought against Gnosticism—to defend the Christian belief in the one God who created the world and revealed Himself to the prophets.

Gnosticism’s doctrine of God was related to high-flown speculations concerning the spirit world on the one hand and the origins of the material world on the other (the so-called “eon” doctrine). Valentinus, for example, estimated that 30 eons had proceeded out of the deity in a theogonic process. The material world was derived from the lowest of the eons as a result of a fall. The highest God, or the Progenitor, formed the first eon, which was also known as βυθος (abyss). Out of the “abyss” came “the silence,” or “the idea” (σιγη or εvvοια), and from these two, “the spirit” and “the truth” (vους and αληθεια). From the last-named, in turn, came “reason” and “life” (λογος and ζωη), and from these “man” and “the church” and 10 other eons appeared. “Man” and “the church” together produced 12 eons, the last of these being “wisdom” (σοφια). The eons, working in concert, formed the world of the spirit, the Pleroma, which contains the archetype of the material world. The last of the eons fell from the Pleroma as a result of a seizure of passion and anxiety, and it was because of this fall that the material world came into being. The demiurge who created the world came forth from this fallen eon.

Christ and the Holy Spirit originated in one of the highest eons. Christ’s task is to restore the fallen eon to the Pleroma, and, at the same time, to free the souls of men from their captivity in the material world and to bring them back into the world of the spirit. It was on this basis that the Gnostic concept of salvation developed. Salvation was said to consist in the release of the soul from the material world so that it could be cleansed and brought back to the divine sphere from whence it came. As is true in Neoplatonism, which had much in common with the system of Valentinus, the history of the world was thought of in cyclical terms. The soul of man was drawn into this cyclical process. Man fell from the world of light and was held captive in the material world. His salvation consists of release from the material world so that he can ascend once again into the spirit world, the world of light, from which he came.

According to Gnosticism, salvation of this kind was possible because of the higher insight (γvωσις, “gnosis”) available to the Gnostics; this insight was a form of mystery-wisdom which provided knowledge concerning the Pleroma and the way which led thence. But not everyone could attain this salvation; only the so-called “pneumatics,” who were equipped with the necessary power to receive this knowledge, were able to do so. All other men, whom the Gnostics called the “materialists,” were unable to utilize this knowledge. The Gnostics occasionally referred to a category between the pneumatics and the materialists, the so-called “psychics,” in which category the Christians were commonly placed. It was thought possible that the psychics could obtain the knowledge needed for salvation. Gnosticism therefore taught a form of predestination: only the pneumatics could be saved. This separation of men into different classes was opposed by the church fathers. They also repudiated the Gnostic concept of a higher knowledge, which was elevated above the level of faith and pretended to elevate man into the sphere of divinity.

Gnosticism did borrow certain elements from Christianity and introduce them into its general concept of salvation. Christ, for example, is referred to in Gnosticism as the Savior, inasmuch as He was said to be the one who brought the saving knowledge into the world. But this is not the Christ of the Bible; the Christ of Gnosticism was a spiritual essence who emerged from out of the eons. This Christ could not have taken on the form of man. When He appeared on earth, said the Gnostics, He only seemed to have a physical body. At the same time the Gnostics also taught that this Christ did not suffer and die. Gnosticism, in other words, proclaimed a Docetic Christology.

The suffering and death of Christ was of no importance to Gnosticism; what He did to enlighten men, on the other hand, was emphasized to the exclusion of all else. He was the conveyor of that knowledge which man needs in order to be able to launch forth on the journey back to the world of light, “the journey to the Pleroma.”

Gnosticism taught that salvation came to man by means of the mysteries which were characteristic of the Gnostic approach. Chief among these mysteries were Baptism and the Lord’s Supper (distortions of the Christian sacraments) plus a number of additional sacred rites of similar nature. Through these the Gnostics were provided with the secrets of salvation resident in the higher knowledge. The mystical formulae thus acquired protected them against the powers which stood watch on the way through the spirit world. Furthermore, by virtue of their participation in the mysteries, the Gnostics received an inner strength (provided in a purely physical sense through the sacraments), and it was this which enabled them to conquer evil and ascend to the Pleroma.

The ethics of Gnosticism were related to its basic dualism. If salvation consists of the release of the spirit from the material world, it is natural that the ethical ideal should be conceived in ascetic terms. Certain sects preached a very strict form of abstinence, as, for example, the so-called Encratites (cf. Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History, IV, 28–29). But the very opposite point of view was also supported by some. In view of the fact that the spirit had nothing to do with the material, it was thought that external deeds were of no importance. Some said that independence from the material could be won only if one gave free rein to the lusts of the flesh (libertinism).

Gnosticism’s thoroughgoing dualism (between the spiritual and the material) reflected its relationship to Greek thought. The latter was characterized by a deistic concept of God, and Gnosticism assimilated this too. In the light of these convictions, we can understand why Gnosticism was unable to accept the claim that Christ is both God and man (cf. the Ebionites). Gnosticism wanted to transform Christianity into a mythological speculation. Its doctrine of salvation implied a denial of that which is most essential to the Christian faith. The simple faith of Christianity was to be superseded by the higher knowledge of the Gnostics, which took the form of a personal conviction concerning the realities of the spiritual world. With this, for all practical purposes, Gnosticism became a religio-philosophical form of speculation, which either rejected or reinterpreted the basic content of Christianity. Gnosticism opposed the Christian belief in a divine creation: the creator, it said, was not the most high God, and the creation itself was looked upon as something base and evil (blasphemia creatoris). The Second Article of the Creed was rejected or reinterpreted by the Gnostics on the basis of their Docetic Christology, which denied Christ’s earthly existence and His atonement. Christ was looked upon as the transmitter of gnosis, while His suffering and death were dismissed as inconsequential. The purification which came through the mysteries was based on a mythological foundation. The Gnostics also repudiated the content of the Third Article of the Creed. The Holy Spirit was inserted into their mythology as a spiritual essence which had emerged from out of one of the eons. Irenaeus said of the Gnostics that they never received the gifts of the Holy Spirit and that they had contempt for the prophets (Epideixis, 99 f.). They also denied the resurrection of the body, on the basis of the idea that everything physical or material is evil and unspiritual. Gnosticism was, therefore, an idealistic reinterpretation of Christianity, which they sought to insert into a syncretistic system. This is particularly clear in their blasphemia creatoris, their Docetic Christology, and their denial of the resurrection of the body. Gnosticism had no eschatology: Instead of accepting the fulfillment of life in terms of the second coming of Christ, they spoke of the sours ascent into the Pleroma.

Many Gnostic ideas reappeared later on in the form of Neoplatonism and other related idealistic schools of thought. In addition to this, certain theological concepts which were strongly influenced by Greek philosophy reveal tendencies which remind us of Gnosticism.

Marcion’s contemporaries thought of him as a Gnostic, and so far as basic points of view (blasphemia creatoris, Docetism, denial of the resurrection of the body) are concerned, Marcion was in agreement with the Gnostics. But in other respects, he was an independent thinker, and he propounded many ideas which did not correspond with Gnosticism. Marcion was not syncretistic, for example; he wanted to reform Christianity by discarding everything which in his opinion did not belong in the Gospel. Furthermore, Marcion did not accept any of the mythological speculations which were characteristic of Gnosticism. Neither did he allude to any particular gnosis which was accessible only to the socalled pneumatics. All he wanted to do was to proclaim a very simple faith. He said nothing about the division of mankind into different classes. The points at which Marcion differed from the Gnostics have recently been given much critical attention (especially by Adolf von Harnack), and he has now been clearly distinguished from the Gnostics. He is now looked upon as a reformer, who rediscovered the otherwise forgotten Paul and who proclaimed salvation by faith alone in an age when moralism was a pervasive tendency in theology.

When the church fathers say that Marcion was the most difficult of all heretics, we sense that other facets of his theology, such as his doctrine of God and Christ, plus his radical separation of Law and Gospel, were most prominent in their estimation. It was in these areas that Marcion was linked with the Gnostics, and this suggested a denial of the church’s basic teachings. Both sides of the story have their place in a presentation of Marcion’s theological position, and those aspects which mark him off from the Gnostics impel us to consider him on his own merits.

At the outset Marcion embraced the faith of the church, but then he came under the influence of a Syrian Gnostic named Kerdo, and thus began the process of forming his own unique theology. He arrived in Rome about 140; when he was expelled by the congregation there, he started his own church, which soon became quite large. Vestiges of this organization were to be found in various places as late as the sixth century.

The basic point of departure in Marcion’s theology is to be found in the distinction he made between Law and Gospel, between the Old Covenant and the New. Paul spoke of the Christian’s freedom from the Law, and Marcion interpreted that to mean that the Law had been vanquished and that the Gospel was to be preached without any reference to the Law. The Law, he said, had been replaced by a new order. The Gospel, to him, was a new, previously unknown message, which not only replaced the Law but stood in opposition to it. Tertullian characterized this attitude in the following words: “The separation of the Law and the Gospel is the characteristic and principal work of Marcion.” (Contra Marcionem, 1, 19)

This trend of thought related Marcion to the Gnostic teaching of the two Gods. In Marcion—and this was characteristic of him—the creator God of the Old Testament was the God of the Law, whom he thought of as a God of severity and wrath, who took revenge on His enemies and kept His followers in thrall under the Law. The Most High God, as Marcion conceived of Him, was not so much an abstract spiritual essence, an infinitely transcendent God; He was rather the unknown God who revealed Himself to the world in Christ. Marcion thought of Him as the God of grace and mercy, the God of pure love. This God, said Marcion, fought against and conquered the God of law and justice and, out of pure grace, saved those who had faith in Him. This facet of Marcion’s theology was a biased (or one-sided) and therefore distorted interpretation of Paul’s concept of justification. According to Marcion, the God of love had nothing at all to do with the Law. He made a radical distinction between justice and mercy, between wrath and grace.

Christ was the one who proclaimed the Gospel of the God of love. As a matter of fact, He was truly this God Himself, who manifested Himself here on earth during the reign of Tiberius Caesar. He appeared, however, as a ghostly figure. Because He was different from the Creator God, He could not have assumed the mantle of human flesh. Marcion’s Christology was Docetic, and yet he believed in the redemprive significance of Christ’s suffering and death. This, of course, is a contradiction of his Docetic Christology, but it also marked him off from the Gnostics. This was observed by Irenaeus: “How could He have been crucified, and how could blood and water have flowed from His pierced side if He were not truly man but only apparently a man?” (Adversus haereses)

Marcion’s God was a God whom the faithful did not have to fear, inasmuch as He was thought of as pure goodness. In view of this, one might expect that Marcion would have been completely indifferent with respect to morality. Quite the opposite was true, however, for in this matter Marcion, like the Gnostics, was strongly ascetic. He felt, for example, that marriage was something evil. Marcion taught that an ascetic code of ethics could help free man from the Demiurge, the Creator God, the God of law.

Marcion is also remembered for his radical alteration of the canon. He rejected the Old Testament on the ground that it was the proclamation of the God of law, the Jewish God, alone. The Messiah of the Jews had nothing in common with Christ. Marcion would not even permit an allegorical interpretation. With respect to the New Testament, Marcion desired that everything associated with Judaism or the Law be discarded. He retained only 10 of the epistles of Paul (the Pastoral Epistles were rejected) and a truncated version of the Gospel according to Luke. In so doing, Marcion made a radical attempt to determine, on the basis of his own understanding of the essence of Christianity, which writings should be normative.

The opposition of the church fathers to Marcion involved the same points of doctrine as the struggle with Gnosticism in general. They opposed him for denying that God created the world and for teaching that there was a God other than the God who created the heavens and the earth. Marcion’s rejection of the Incarnation, based on his Docetic Christology, was another point at issue. Furthermore, the fact that he denied the resurrection of the body was strongly challenged. Marcion believed that only the soul could be saved; the body, which belongs to the material world, could not be.

Chapter 2 - The Apologists

The authors of the second century who sought above all to defend Christianity against current allegations from Greek and Jewish sources are commonly remembered as the Apologists. To these men Christianity was the only true philosophy, a perfect replacement for the philosophy of the Greeks and the religion of the Jews, which could do no more than present unsatisfactory answers to man’s searching questions.

Chief among the Apologists was Justin, called “the martyr,” whose two “apologies” date from the middle of the second century. His Dialogue with Trypho the Jew was written at about the same time. Among the others was Aristides, who wrote the oldest “apology” now extant, Tatian (Oratio ad Graecos, a pamphlet directed against Greek culture, ca. 165), and Athenagoras (De resurrectione mortuorum and Supplicario pro Christianis, both written about 170). The following might also be included in this group: Theophilus of Antioch (Ad Autolycum libri tres, 169–182), and the Epistle to Diognetus, whose author is unknown, and the similarly anonymous Cohortatio ad Graecos, which appeared just before the middle of the third century. The last-named work has been erroneously ascribed to Justin. The Apologists wrote other pieces too, which are now lost and known only by name. (Cf., e.g., Eusebius’ Ecclesiastical History, IV, 3)

General Statement

The Apologists occupy a significant niche in the history of dogma, partly as a result of their description of Christianity as the true philosophy and partly as a result of their attempt to elucidate theological teachings with the help of contemporary philosophical terminology (for example, in the so-called “Logos Christology”). What we find here, therefore, is the first attempt to define, in a logical manner, the content of the Christian faith, as well as the first connection between theology and science, between Christianity and Greek philosophy.

The Apologists refuted the allegations directed against the Christians. Athenagoras (in his Supplicatio) discussed three main criticisms: godlessness, unnatural habits, and enmity toward the state. In response they directed an attack on Greek culture which was at times quite severe (Tatian, Oratio ad Graecos; Theophilus). But their most important contribution, as seen from the point of view of the history of dogma, was the positive way in which they presented Christianity as the true philosophy.

Christianity and Philosophy

The manner in which the Apologists conceived of the relationship between Christianity and philosophy is reflected in Justin’s autobiographical work, Dialogue with Trypho the Jew. Justin presents himself as a man who thinks very highly of philosophy and who has sought for satisfactory answers to philosophical questions in one philosophical system after another. The purpose of philosophy, according to Justin, is to provide true knowledge of God and existence and, in so doing, to promote a sense of well-being in human minds. Philosophy is designed to bring God and man together. Justin investigated the Stoics, the Peripatetics, and the Pythagoreans, but they had left him unmoved. At last he became a Platonist and thought that he could find the truth there. Then he met an old man, unknown to him, who directed his attention to the Old Testament prophets, insisting that they alone had seen and proclaimed the truth. “They have only taught that which they have heard and seen with the help of the Holy Spirit.” The testimony of this old man convinced Justin that Christianity was true. “My soul began immediately to burn, and I longed for the love of the prophets and the friends of Christ. I reflected upon their teachings, and found therein the only dependable and useful philosophy. It was in this way, and on this basis, that I became a philosopher.” (VII, VIII)

The fact that Christianity is the only true philosophy implies, therefore, that it alone has the right answers to philosophical questions. Philosophy also involves, in this sense, the religious question concerning the true knowledge of God. Christianity alone can provide this knowledge; philosophy seeks for it but is unable to find it. This trend of thought does not, in itself, imply that Christianity is dependent on and subordinate to philosophy, as is sometimes suggested. Christianity is based on revelation, and the Apologists did not believe that revelation can be replaced by rational deliberations. In this respect Christianity is opposed to all philosophy. Its truth is not based on reason; it has a divine origin. “No one but the prophets can instruct us about God and the true religion, for they teach on strength of divine inspiration” (the closing words of Cohortatio ad Graecos).

At the same time, however, the way the Apologists approached Christian truth involved the tendency to intellectualize its content. Reason (λογος) was the most prominent concept in their writings, and great stress was placed on the communication of truth.

Philosophy is evaluated in a variety of ways. Some of the Apologists were particularly critical of Greek philosophy. All pagan wisdom was to be replaced by revelation. Justin, on the other hand, had a more positive attitude toward the Greeks. It must be made clear, however, that the truth which can be discerned in such philosophers as Homer, Socrates, and Plato was basically derived from revelation. One related idea was that some of the wise men of Greece had visited Egypt and there became acquainted with the work of the prophets of Israel. Another idea suggested that the pagan philosophers shared in the λογος σπερματικος, which is implanted in all men. Even human wisdom thus is dependent on revelation—scattered beams of the divine reason which has shined forth in full clarity from Christ. Philosophers have certain fragments of truth. In Christ truth is fully present, for He is Himself God’s reason, the Logos who became man.

Logos Christology

The Logos concept, derived from contemporary philosophy, especially Stoicism with its doctrine of universal reason, was used by the Apologists to explain how Christ was related to God the Father. Something of the Logos, they said, is to be found in all men. Reason, like an embryo, is implanted within them (λογος σπερματικος). But the Apologists, unlike the Stoics, did not say that this was some kind of a general, pantheistically conceived universal reason. They rather equated the Logos with Christ. On this basis they could say that Plato and Socrates were Christians too, to the extent that they gave expression to reason. Their wisdom came to them from Christ via the prophets or a general revelation.

The Greek logos means both “mason” and “word.” The Logos has been with God, as His own reason, from all eternity (λογος εvδιαθετος). Subsequently this reason proceeded out of the essence of God, according to God’s own decision, as the λογος προφορικος, the Word which originated with God. This was done at the time of the creation of the world. God created the world according to His reason and through the Word, which proceeded from Him. In this way Christ was involved in the creation of the world. He is the Word, born of the Father, through which all has come into being. “In the fulness of time” this same divine reason clad Himself in a physical form and became man.

In this application of the Logos concept the Apologists found a way of describing the relationship of the Son to the Father in the Godhead by using recognized philosophical terms. Christ is truly God, but God is nevertheless not divided. Just as the word proceeds from reason, or—to use another analogy—as the light streams forth from the lamp, so has the Son come forth from the Father as the Firstborn without diminishing God or destroying the unity of the Godhead. This Logos Christology was an attempt to answer the Christian faith’s most difficult question in the language of the day. The Apologists selected a concept from contemporary philosophy and used it to describe what to the Greek mind was absurd—that Christ is God but that the unity of the Godhead is not thereby denied.

It is implicit in this way of thinking, that even though the Logos has always been a part of the divine essence as the indwelling reason, it did not proceed from the Deity until the time of the creation of the world. Christ, therefore, would have been generated in time, or at the beginning of time. This philosophical Logos doctrine would also seem to suggest that Christ occupies a subordinate position relative to the Father. The Christology of the Apologists has often been labeled “subordinationist” as a result. It may well appear thus as seen from the point of view of a later time. The idea of the Son’s generation in time, for example, has been opposed (Origen, see below), as well as the use of the philosophical Logos doctrine in the field of Christology (Irenaeus). But we must also remember that the Apologists posited the preexistence of the Logos in no uncertain terms, even though its appearance as “the Son” was thought to have taken place initially at the time of the creation. Furthermore, we should not forget that at the time of the Apologists the terminology employed to express the differences between the “Persons” of the Trinity had not yet been devised. In the light of this, therefore, it is not fair to infer that the Apologists specifically taught that the Son is subordinate to the Father. (Cf. Kelly, Early Christian Doctrines, pp. 100 f.)

If Christ is presented as Logos, the divine reason, it is natural to conceive of His work primarily in pedagogical terms. He presents us with the true knowledge of God and instructs us in the new law, which guides us on the way to life. Salvation is interpreted in intellectual and moralistic categories. Sin is equated with ignorance. Man is thought to be free to do what is good, but only Christ can show him the true way to righteousness and life. The necessity of living according to the Law is emphasized, and in this respect the Apologists’ view of the Christian life is in agreement with that of the Apostolic Fathers. As seen from the point of view of the historical development of dogma, the chief contribution of the Apologists was their attempt to combine Christianity and Greek learning, an attempt which found its chief expression in the Logos doctrine and its application to Christology.

Thursday, 6 April 2017

Chapter 1 - The Apostolic Fathers

When we speak of the Apostolic Fathers, we usually have reference to a number of Christian authors whose writings have come down to us from the end of the first century and the beginning of the second. These writings—of an incidental nature for the most part (letters, homilies)—are of value to us because, next to the New Testament, they are the oldest sources we have that testify to the Christian faith. These writings, however, do not claim to be doctrinal presentations in the strict sense of the word, and as a result we could hardly expect to derive from them a complete picture of the articles of faith. And while they have contributed relatively little to the development of theology, they have done much to shed light on the concept of faith and the church customs that prevailed in the earliest congregations.

The most important of these writings are the following:

— The First Epistle of Clement, written in Rome about 95.

— The Epistles of Ignatius; seven letters to various addresses, written about 115 during Ignatius’ journey to Rome and his anticipated martyr’s death.

— The Epistle of Polycarp, written in Smyrna about 110.

— The Epistle of Barnabas, probably written in Egypt sometime around 130.

— The Second Epistle of Clement, written in Rome or Corinth about 140.

— The Shepherd of Hermas, written in Rome about 150.

— Fragments from Papias, written in Hierapolis of Phrygia about 150, cited in the works of Eusebius and Irenaeus (among others).

— The Didache (“The Teaching of the Twelve Apostles”), written in the first half of the second century, probably in Syria.

General Characteristics

Although the writings of the Apostolic Fathers stand close to the apostles and the New Testament in a chronological sense, the difference between these sources is strikingly obvious, with respect to both form and content. Some of these writings were included for a time in the New Testament canon, but it is no accident that they were ultimately excluded. The difference between the New Testament books and the writings of the Apostolic Fathers is manifest in many respects. Attempts have been made to determine which of the apostles (Peter or Paul, for example) influenced the men who produced these writings. But this has been proved to be an unnecessary search. The theology of the Apostolic Fathers cannot be assigned to any particular member of the apostolic band; it rather reflects the faith of the typical congregation in the first years of Christian history. The similarities between these writings and the New Testament need not depend on the fact that the Apostolic Fathers borrowed in a direct way from one canonical author or the other; they rather reflect the fact that both sources deal with the same faith.

In comparison with the New Testament the Apostolic Fathers are distinctive chiefly because of their emphasis on what is generally called moralism. (Anders Nygren uses the word “nomism”; in English literature the term “legalism” is employed.) The proclamation of the Law has a prominent place in the writings of the Apostolic Fathers. This is true in part because these writings are hortatory in style and also because they were directed to the new congregations whose members had recently emerged from a pagan background. It was necessary to replace their old habits with Christian order and customs. In order to accomplish this, the Jewish manner of preaching the Law was used to some extent, together with other Jewish congregational practices, despite the fact that there was a great deal of opposition to Judaism and the ceremonial law. The Gospel was presented as a new law that Christ taught and by which He showed the way to salvation. The old law was said to be abolished, obsolete, but in the teaching of Christ there was a new law. The Christian life was said to consist, above all, in obedience to this new law.

Moralism was found not in the proclamation of the Law as such but in the manner this was done. There was a strong tendency among the Apostolic Fathers to emphasize obedience to the Law, as well as the imitation of Christ, as the way to salvation and the essential content of the Christian life. Christs death and resurrection were pointed to as the basis of man’s salvation. Because of Christ’s work man can receive the forgiveness of sin, the gift of life, immortality, and release from the powers of corruption. But even in the context in which such matters were discussed it was not unusual for the Apostolic Fathers to place a strong emphasis on the Law and the new way of life. An analysis of some of the most frequently mentioned fundamentals will throw more light on this tendency.

Righteousness, as a general rule, was described not as a gift of God bestowed on men of faith (cf. Rom. 3:21 ff.) but rather in terms of proper Christian behavior. It was often presented as the power of Christ which enables man to do what is right and good, but at the same time it was also said in a rather one-sided way that the new obedience is the prerequisite of forgiveness and salvation. The latter was looked upon not as a gift of grace alone, given here and now to those who believe, but as something bestowed after this life, primarily as a reward for obedience to Christ. With the exception of First Clement, the writings of the Apostolic Fathers have very little in common with Paul’s emphasis on justification by faith. It is not unmerited grace that stands at the center of this teaching but rather the new way of life that Christ taught and which He empowers. It must be remembered, however, that the character of these writings, as well as the objective the authors had in mind, was in part responsible for this emphasis. Furthermore, the fact that these were incidental writings, which made no claim to completeness, is another facet of the story. These writings presumed that those who read them also heard an oral proclamation in which other aspects of the Christian faith would be properly stressed.

Salvation is presented more often in terms of immortality and indestructibility than in terms of the forgiveness of sin. Another strongly emphasized facet in this connection is knowledge. Christ has brought us the knowledge of the truth. He is the Revealer sent by God so that we might know the true God and thereby be freed from the thralldom of idolatry and the false old covenant. The Apostolic Fathers did not say, however, that Christ is merely a teacher; they taught that He is God, the One through whose death and resurrection the gift of immortality is bestowed.

Sin is described as corruption, evil desire, and captivity to the power of death, plus error and ignorance; the idea of guilt is not strongly emphasized. We note here a counterpart to that which was said about salvation; the Apostolic Fathers looked upon this as immortality or as the enlightenment that results from the truth as it is in Christ. The relationship between salvation and forgiveness or atonement is also to be found here—especially in Barnabas—but it does not have the same place as in Paul or, for example, in the Protestant tradition. Salvation is associated with the physical life, in terms of freedom from death and corruption. Light and life, which form its content, are related to the Law. The way of obedience is the way to life.

The moralistic tendency in the Apostolic Fathers appears most conspicuously in their concept of grace. In the New Testament grace is the love of God revealed in Christ. It is related to God Himself, therefore, and to the work of redemption carried out by Christ. Man is justified by grace, not on the strength of his own works. Among the Apostolic Fathers this New Testament concept of grace was replaced by another, in which grace is looked upon as a gift that God bestows on man through Christ. This gift, which is sometimes placed in the same category with the knowledge that has come to us through Christ, is thought of as inner power associated with the Holy Spirit, by which man can strive after righteousness and walk in the way of the new obedience. Grace is therefore the prerequisite of salvation, but not in the New Testament sense—that righteousness is a gift of God bestowed on those who believe in Christ. The Apostolic Fathers rather say this, that grace conveys the power by which man can attain to righteousness and ultimately be saved.

The trend of thought here set forth clearly indicates the relationship between the medieval concept of grace, with its emphasis upon “good works,” and the pattern previously established in this earlier tradition (cf. Torrance, The Doctrine of Grace in the Apostolic Fathers, 1948). There are at the same time, however, expressions that are more closely related to the Pauline doctrine of justification. Furthermore, one must also observe in this connection that we are dealing here with hortatory literature, designed to train people in the new life, strongly emphasizing the call to obey Christ’s commands. This emphasis was made in order to provide a counterbalancing influence to the pagan morality that dominated the environment in which the people addressed in these writings lived. As a result one dare not use the writings of the Apostolic Fathers to draw far-reaching conclusions in regard to the entire Christian proclamation of that period.

Concept of the Bible

As was true with the New Testament, it was thought that the books of the Old Testament possessed their own intrinsic authority. The fact that the Apostolic Fathers quoted the Old Testament as much as they did is all the more striking when we remember that their writings were directed, for the most part, to Christians who had come from a pagan background.

The church was thought of as the New Israel, and as such the heir of the writings associated with the old covenant. The true purpose of the Law and the Prophets was spiritual in nature, a fact that was revealed through Christ’s words and deeds. The Epistle of Barnabas, which dealt with this problem in a special way, does not make any obvious distinction between what came to be known later as a typological interpretation and a free allegorical interpretation. It was assumed from the very beginning that the law of Moses had a deeper purpose. When, for example, the law of Moses forbids the eating of unclean animals, it is thought to mean that the Law thereby condemns the sins which such animals symbolize. References to Christ and the New Testament were found even in the most insignificant details (cf., e.g., Barnabas IX, 8). Behind all this was the conviction that Scripture was verbally inspired by the Holy Spirit; even external details were thought to conceal spiritual wisdom of some kind, which the Jews with their method of literal interpretation were unable to find.

The Apostolic Fathers also testify in no uncertain terms to the fact that the four gospels and the writings of the apostles were coming to be recognized as Holy Scripture with the same authority as the Old Testament, even though the New Testament had not yet taken its final form in their time. Nearly all of the books that came to be included in our New Testament are cited or referred to in the Apostolic Fathers. The oral tradition which originated with the apostles was also considered to possess a decisive authority for congregational faith and practice. According to Ignatius the bishop was the bearer of this authoritative tradition.

The Doctrine of God; Christology

The Apostolic Fathers shared a Biblical concept of the nature of God, based on the idea of God found in the Old Testament. They thought of God as the almighty One who created the world and made His will, His righteousness, and His grace known to man. As is said in the Shepherd of Hermas: “Believe above all that God is one, He who has created and ordered all things and formed all that exists out of nothing.” Faith in the one true God is emphasized. The doctrine of the Triune God was not yet fully developed, but the Trinitarian formula was employed, for example, in Baptism, and faith in the Trinity was, quite naturally, implied. The explication of the manner in which the three Persons of the Godhead are related to one another belongs, however, to a later period.

The divinity of Christ is strongly emphasized in the Apostolic Fathers. As Pliny the Younger remarked in a well-known phrase included in a letter to Emperor Trajan, the Christians “sing to Christ as they sing to God.” Christ was thought of as the preexistent Son of God, who participated in the work of creation; He is the Lord of heaven, who shall appear as the judge of the living and the dead. Christ is specifically referred to as God, particularly in the epistles of Ignatius. “Our God, Jesus Christ, born of Mary according to God’s decree, truly of the seed of David, but also of the Holy Spirit,” he wrote in his Epistle to the Ephesians. (XVIII, 2)

Christ was said to be present in the congregation as its Lord, and Christian people are united to Him as participants in His death and resurrection. This oneness with Christ is prominently set forth by Ignatius. He wrote to the Christians in Smyrna: “I have been told that you are established in an untroubled faith, firmly attached to the cross of Christ in both body and soul, steadfast in love through the blood of Christ, and convinced that our Lord is in truth of David’s seed according to the flesh, and God’s Son according to God’s will and power.” (First Epistle to the Smyrneans)

We also find in Ignatius a number of statements directed against (or elicited by) the Jewish-Christian Gnostics, in which he emphasizes the true humanity of Christ. Jesus’ actual earthly life is asserted in opposition to those who held that Christ merely appeared to exist in human form, that He only seemed to suffer on the cross, and that after the Resurrection He returned to a nonphysical spiritual existence. This point of view is known as Docetism (from the Greek δοκειν). The struggle against Docetism was one of the more significant facets of early Christian theology, since Docetism contradicted what was basic in the apostolic proclamation, the veritable death and resurrection of Christ. Salvation resulted from this, which actually happened within the context of history, and to which the apostles were eyewitnesses. When Docetism explained away the death and resurrection of Christ, salvation was related to an abstract teaching and not to what God accomplished in Christ. Docetism assumed various forms: either it denied the claim of Christ’s true humanity with the use of a theory about a ghostlike body, or else it selected certain aspects of Christs earthly life as being potentially true, while the remainder of the Gospel account was explained away. A Gnostic by the name of Cerinthus, a resident of Asia Minor, was of the opinion that Jesus was united with Christ, the Son of God, at the time of His baptism, and that Christ left the earthly Jesus before He was crucified. It was thought that the suffering and death of Jesus was incompatible with the divinity of Christ. Another Docetic theory, associated with Basilides, suggested that a mistake took place, that Simon of Cyrene was crucified in place of Christ, and that Jesus thereby escaped the death on the cross.

According to Irenaeus, the Gospel of John was written for this purpose, among others, to refute the Gnostic Cerinthus mentioned above. The latter’s point of view was characterized by the sharp distinction he made between the man Jesus and the heavenly spiritual being, Christ, who could have made His abode in Jesus for a brief time only. In opposition to this, the Gospel of John tells us that “the Word became flesh”; similarly, the First Epistle of John asserts that “Jesus Christ has come in the flesh.” (2:22; 4:2–3)

Opposition of this same kind can be discerned in Ignatius’ struggle against Docetism. Against those who said that Christ only appeared to suffer, Ignatius expressed the conviction that Christ was truly born of Mary, that He was actually crucified, and that He resuscitated Himself. Christ was “in the flesh” even after His resurrection, said Ignatius; He was not a “nonphysical spirit.”

Concept of the Church

We can tell from the writings of the Apostolic Fathers that ecclesiastical regulations were being consolidated at that time. The office of bishop developed to the point where it was distinct from the college of elders. According to Ignatius, the bishop was the symbol of Christian unity and bearer of the apostolic tradition. The congregations were therefore admonished to hold fast to their bishop and to be obedient to him. Unity was said to consist primarily of a commondoctrinal corpus, and the dominant position of the bishop in the congregation was explained on the basis of the fact that he was the representative of the true doctrine. This harmony which centered on the bishops was emphasized as a protection against heresy, which threatened to destroy the unity of the church. Originally the elders and the bishops were on the same level, but by this time the bishops occupied a position which was elevated above the presbyterial rank. This so-called monarchical episcopate first appeared in Asia Minor and is clearly pointed to in the epistles of Ignatius, while First Clement and the Shepherd of Hennas, which were written in Rome, do not mention an office superior to the college of elders. But First Clement also emphasizes the significance of the bishop’s office and insists that those who hold this office are the successors of the apostles. The idea of apostolic succession developed out of a Jewish prototype.Two things are implied: first, the bishops received the true teaching from the apostles, just as the prophets learned from Moses (doctrinal succession), and second, they had been appointed by the apostles and their successors in an unbroken line, just as the family of Aaron alone had the right to appoint priests in Israel (ordination succession).

As a result a more specific type of congregational order, with ecclesiastical jurisdiction, developed within the early Christian church. This development has been evaluated in a variety of ways. The well-known legal historian Rudolph Sohm has put forth the idea that every church law is in opposition to the essence of the church. It is the Holy Spirit alone who rules in the church, and because of this the emergence of ecclesiastical “institutions” denotes a departure from the original spirit of Christianity (Kirchenrecht, I, 1892). Others have denied this thesis, however, by pointing out that ordinances are necessary. This development is not a later accretion; its origins take us back to the time of the apostles themselves. What happened later was the stricter application of existing forms and the acceptance of new ones (Seeberg). It has also been said in this context, and properly so, that the Holy Spirit and ecclesiastical offices are not contrary to one another; they rather belong together. The fact that the church is a creation of the Holy Spirit does not preclude the development of regulations, offices, and traditions. The services and offices of the church are related to the work of the Holy Spirit. (Linton, Das Problem der Urkirche in der neueren Forschung, 1932)

Eschatology

The eschatology of the Apostolic Fathers included the idea that the end of time was imminent, and some of them (Papias, Barnabas) also upheld the doctrine of an earthly millennium. Barnabas accepted the Jewish idea that the world would exist for 6,000 years, as foreshadowed in the six days of creation. And thereupon, it was said, would follow the seventh millennium, in which Christ will visibly reign on earth with the assistance of His faithful (cf. Bey. 20). This is to be followed by the eighth day, eternity, which has its prototype in Sunday. Papias, too, supported the doctrine of an earthly millennium, and he described the blissful condition which will prevail during that time. This point of view (“millennialism” or “chiliasm”) has been largely discredited in more recent times. In fact, Eusebius did this in his evaluation of the writings of Papias. (Ecclesiastical History, III, 39)