Canonical and Extracanonical Portraits of Balaam

By Charles H. Savelle

[Charles H. Savelle is Adjunct Professor of Old Testament, Criswell College, Dallas, Texas.]

Balaam is one of the most enigmatic characters in the Scriptures. His personal background is sketchy, and his spiritual status is ambiguous. Scholars debate whether he was a true or false prophet, a diviner or sorcerer.[1] Was he a sinner or a saint?[2] As Kaiser asks, “Was he a saint or soothsayer?”[3] While these questions are worthy of examination, the focus of this article is more limited. Its goal is to ascertain how the New Testament portrait of Balaam fits with the references to him in five Old Testament books and in several extracanonical texts.[4]

An Overview of Balaam in the Old Testament

At times in the Old Testament Balaam is presented in a positive light. Other times he appears in a profoundly negative light.

Balaam in Numbers 22-24

The first references to Balaam and his oracles[5] are in Numbers 22-24. These chapters include seven oracles with intervening narratives. Balak, king of Moab, hired a non-Israelite prophet named Balaam to curse[6] Israel in an effort to prevent Israel’s conquest of Canaan. But God prevented Balaam from cursing Israel. At this point Balaam comes across as commendable. He is portrayed as a well-known prophet worthy of hire.[7] He sought the will of God (22:8, 19, 35; 23:3, 14; 24:13), obeyed it (22:13, 18, 21, 38; 23:12, 26), acknowledged when he had sinned (22:34), and prophesied by the Spirit of God (24:2). As Moberly notes, “Thus far Balaam is a model ‘prophet,’ for he is accountable and responsive to God, faithfully speaking God’s words.”[8] Furthermore Balaam blessed Israel,[9] including the “Star” prophecy (24:17).[10] The only hint that anything is amiss is the episode involving Balaam’s donkey (22:21-35). But even this ends without incident. There is more irony than ignominy in a seer who cannot see. At this stage the reader might conclude that Balaam is a reluctant hero or perhaps an anti-hero.[11]

Balaam in Numbers 31:8, 16

Unfortunately for Balaam, the story does not end with Numbers 24. Two passages in chapter 31 present a different perspective on Balaam.[12] In a battle against the Midianites the Israelites “killed Balaam . . . with the sword” (v. 8). Why Balaam was killed is not stated, but his death suggests that he had done something wrong. That misdeed is identified in verse 16. Balaam had given evil advice that turned the Israelites away from the Lord (25:1-18). Thus Balaam moved from hero to villain in the briefest of narratives.

Balaam in Deuteronomy 23:4-5

Balaam’s name does not appear in the Pentateuch again until Deuteronomy 23, where Moses commanded the Israelites not to interact with the Ammonites and Moabites (v. 3). The reason is that they “did not meet you with food and water on the way when you came out of Egypt, and because they hired against you Balaam the son of Beor from Pethor of Mesopotamia, to curse you” (v. 4). Here the negativity is not directed to Balaam but to the Moabites who hired him. However, this is not the case in verse 5. Here Moses told Israel that “the Lord your God would not listen to Balaam but turned the curse into a blessing for you.” Balaam is portrayed as wanting to curse Israel.[13] The fact that Yahweh decided not to listen to Balaam adds to his culpability.

Balaam in Joshua 24:9-10; 13:22

Joshua 24:9-10 echoes Deuteronomy 23:4-5. During a covenant renewal ceremony at Shechem, Joshua recited the sacred history of the Israelites. Among other things in this recital Yahweh reminded them that “Balak the son of Zippor, king of Moab, arose and fought against Israel, and he sent and summoned Balaam the son of Beor to curse you. But I was not willing to listen to Balaam. So he had to bless you, and I delivered you from his hand.” Balaam apparently wanted to curse Israel, but Yahweh did not listen to Balaam. In Joshua 13 Yahweh gave certain commands to Joshua regarding the distribution of the land. Within the commands are certain historical details, and among these details is the record of Balaam’s ignominious death (v. 22). Two points in this statement suggest a negative slant toward Balaam. First, Balaam’s death came by an Israelite sword. The idea is that Balaam was judicially put to death. Second, Balaam is called a “diviner” (קסם; cf. Num. 22:7; 23:23).[14] This term for diviner is typically used in a derogatory or negative sense, especially in the prophets.[15]

Balaam in Nehemiah 13:2

In Nehemiah 13:2 Balaam is not blamed so directly as in Deuteronomy 23:4 or Joshua 24:9-10. However, as in Deuteronomy, Israel was reminded that they were not to interact with the Ammonites or Moabites, because (at least as far as the Moabites are concerned) they “hired Balaam against them to curse them. However, our God turned the curse into a blessing.” Balaam is still linked to the cursing, but more indirectly.[16]

Balaam in Micah 6:5

The prophet for whom the Book of Micah is named ministered during the “days of Jotham, Ahaz, and Hezekiah” (Mic. 1:1; 750-686 B.C.). Micah probably ministered in Judah, although some of his prophecies were directed northward to Israel. The book has a threefold structure (or three cycles) which contains alternating judgment and salvation sections (1:2-2:13; 3:1-5:15; 6:1-7:20).

A reference to Balaam occurs near the beginning of the judgment section (a rîb oracle) in the third cycle. In the divine courtroom Yahweh declared that He cannot be blamed for the sins of Israel. He had redeemed Israel from Egypt and given them Moses, Aaron, and Miriam to lead them (6:4). He also prohibited Balak from cursing the Israelites through Balaam (v. 5). This point is made indirectly,[17] but is underscored by references to Shittim (Israel’s first Transjordan encampment; Josh. 3:1) and Gilgal (Israel’s first encampment to the west of the Jordan River; 4:19). The reference to Balaam is incidental, and its perspective on the prophet is ambiguous. On the one hand one could argue that Balaam followed Yahweh and refused to curse Israel but rather blessed them. On the other hand possibly Yahweh acted in spite of Balaam’s desire to curse Israel. Whichever is the case, the fact that Balaam was not successful is “evidence” of “the righteous acts of Yahweh.”

Summary

Balaam is a complex character,[18] and the Old Testament view of Balaam is mixed. Reading only Numbers 22-24, one might conclude that Balaam is a “good” character. However, the general tenor of the rest of the Old Testament is that he is a “bad” character. However, this is not to suggest that a unified perspective is impossible.[19] What develops in the Old Testament is a scriptural commentary looking back on Numbers 22-24. This commentary follows a basic trajectory that views Balaam negatively. What is interesting is that the condemnation of Balaam in the Old Testament typically involves the cursing/blessing events in Numbers 22-24 and not the evil advice the prophet gave afterwards to Balak. Yet ironically the advice, not the failed curses, ultimately did the most damage to Israel (see Num. 25). This may suggest that Balaam’s role as a prophet is the key.

Balaam in Extracanonical Literature

Balaam in Philo [20]

Philo was apparently fascinated with Balaam as evidenced by the many references to him in his writings. As Feldman notes, where the Hebrew text devotes 142 lines to Balaam, the Septuagint has 242, and Philo has 264.[21] Unlike Josephus, there is little doubt regarding Philo’s sentiment toward Balaam. It is consistently negative. Philo does not even consider Balaam a prophet. Rather, Balaam is a “soothsayer,” “diviner,” and “sophist.”[22] As Green states, “For Philo, Balaam was a figure to be held in contempt: he was nothing more than a wizard. To speak of him as a bona fide prophet was to insult that noble office.”[23] Philo referred to him as a “vain” man.[24] He “was led into folly in respect of his unstable conjectures (for the name, Balaam, being interpreted, means unstable).”[25] He “is a child of the earth, and not a shoot of heaven.”[26]

Philo contended that even when Balaam could see the angel of God “not even then did he turn back and desist from doing wrong, but giving way to a mighty torrent of folly, he was washed away and swallowed up by it.”[27] Thus Balaam was spiritually blind, evil, and foolish. Elsewhere Philo stated that Balaam was consumed by “insane wickedness.”[28] He was “allured by the gifts.”[29] Although the account in Numbers is ambiguous about the details of Balaam’s death, Philo stated that he “received many wounds, he perished amid the heaps of wounded.”[30]

Philo’s negative portrayal of Balaam fits with the general tenor of the Old Testament. This is not surprising in view of Philo’s exalted view of Moses (Balaam’s unstated adversary).[31] In Philo’s view anyone who opposed Moses would not fare well.

Balaam in Pseudo-Philo

A book that was once associated with Philo of Alexandria is the pseudepigraphical Pseudo-Philo.[32] The work attributed to this unknown author is called Biblical Antiquities, or by its Latin title, Liber Antiquitatum Biblicarum (LAB). The book gives a selective history of Israel from Adam to David. Internal clues suggest that the book was written somewhere in Israel between 135 B.C. and A.D. 100. One chapter is devoted to the Balaam story.

The perspective of Pseudo-Philo toward Balaam is more positive than that of the authentic Philo or the rabbinic traditions. Vermes asserts that “the Balaam of Ps.–Philo is hardly recognizable as the same person.”[33] He adds, “This Balaam does not hate Israel, has no passion for money, and feels no special sympathy for the cause of Moab. His only desire is to do the will of God.”[34] Pseudo-Philo enhances Balaam’s strength by adding that Zippor (Balak’s father) had employed him successfully on a previous occasion against the Amorites.[35] In Pseudo-Philo Balaam claims that the Holy Spirit abided in him.[36] Even the incident involving Balaam’s advice on how to defeat the Israelites is placed in a more positive setting. This can be seen in two ways. First, only a brief mention is made of the disastrous outworking of this advice,[37] and no mention is made of the divine punishment of the Israelites in Numbers 25.[38] Second, even the evil advice is seen in terms of a positive affirmation of Israel’s strength. Thus “Balaam states a truth consistently applied in the Biblical Antiquities—Israel cannot be conquered unless it sins.”[39]

Balaam in Josephus

Feldman has noted that Josephus has 363 lines devoted to the Balaam narrative,[40] which exceeds the Septuagint by more than one hundred lines. Josephus’s perspective on Balaam has been called unbiased[41] by some and positive by others.[42] Josephus’s references to Balaam occur in The Antiquities of the Jews 4.104-58. Josephus basically followed the account in Numbers except for two slight modifications.[43] First, Josephus added that after the incident with his donkey Balaam was “afraid.”[44] Second, an extended speech is attributed to Balaam.[45] More importantly Balaam is portrayed in a positive light, as one who sought God and desired to do His will. He attempted to persuade the Midianites “not to persist in their enmity against the Israelites.”[46] Indeed, Josephus seems to suggest that Balaam’s actions have less to do with an anti-Israelite perspective and more to do with a friendship with Balak[47] or his desire to please the king.[48] Balaam blessed rather than cursed the Israelites. Furthermore Josephus referred to Balaam as one of the greatest diviners (μαντίς) of the time.[49]

However, elsewhere in The Antiquities of the Jews the picture is different. After being sent away by Balak, Balaam took the initiative and contacted Balak. Josephus noted that Balaam felt obligated “even without the will of God” to help the Midianites.[50] Here Josephus referred to the account in Numbers 25 and 31, which details the destructive intermarriages between the Israelite men and Midianite women, a strategy suggested by Balaam. That Balaam knew exactly what he was doing is reflected in an extended speech attributed to Balaam.[51] Later Josephus noted that Balaam’s advice had “well nigh corrupted the whole multitude of the Hebrews.”[52]

Thus Josephus presents both a positive and a negative portrait of Balaam. Perhaps most intriguing is Josephus’s claim that although Balaam was guilty of leading the Israelites astray, yet he honored God by not taking credit for his prophecies.[53] And although the battle in which Balaam died is mentioned,[54] his death is not. Josephus allowed the reader to decide Balaam’s verdict. He wrote, “Let everyone think of these matters as he pleases.”[55]

Balaam in the Qumran Literature

References to Balaam in the Dead Sea Scrolls are interesting.[56] First, the so-called “War Scroll” (1QM) quotes from three passages in the Balaam story. The first is Numbers 24:17 at 1QM 7:19-20, which quotes from Balaam’s third oracle. The second is Numbers 24:8 found in 1QM 12:11, also from Balaam’s third oracle. The final reference is Numbers 24:17-19 in 1QM11:6-7, which mentions the well-known “star” prophecy.

Second, the so-called “Testimonia or Messianic Anthology” (4Q175) is a short document of messianic proof texts from Cave 4.[57] These scrolls are dated to the early first century B.C. The document includes five quotations arranged in four groups. The second of these groups includes a portion from Balaam’s “star” prophecy.

While Balaam’s prophecies are prominent, Balaam himself is not mentioned. This may point to a tension within the community of wanting to embrace the prophecy but not the prophet.[58] Later the early church encountered a similar dilemma.

Balaam in 1 Enoch

The pseudepigraphical 1 Enoch is an apocalyptic work typically dated somewhere between 200 B.C. and A.D. 50.[59] Although 1 Enoch does not mention Balaam by name, scholars have observed “Balaam’s trajectory in the form and content of the book.”[60] This occurs in the opening vision, which parallels the structure of Numbers 23:15-16[61] and the content of 24:3-4. As Nickelsburg notes, “The opening verses (1:1-2) paraphrase Deuteronomy 33:1 (the Blessing of Moses) and Numbers 24:3-4 (one of Balaam’s oracles). Thus the author sets himself in the line of the prophets and cites heavenly visions and auditions as the authority for the revelations that follow.”[62] A link is also drawn to Balaam in 1 Enoch 84-85.

However, here the link is not the Balaam story in Numbers, but the Tell Deir ‘Alla inscription (discussed later). This connection is not as certain, given the fragmentary nature of the inscription. Nickelsburg states, “The possible connections between this text and Enoch’s first dream and vision are far from clear or even certain. That the Enoch tradition made use of non-Israelite material is clear enough, and an association with Balaam traditions is not out of the question, given the diction in 1:2-3. The Deir ‘Alla inscription may provide some fragmentary evidence of a narrative prophetic tradition that was known by the author of 1 Enoch 83-84.”[63]

Though Balaam is held in some esteem, the extent of that esteem is not possible to determine without more evidence.

Balaam in Rabbinic Literature [64]

In rabbinic literature Balaam is identified as one of seven Gentile prophets (along with Balaam’s father, and five persons in the Book of Job: Job himself, Eliphaz, Bildad, Zophar, and Elihu).[65] But this is about the only positive note in this literature. As Braverman states, “In the basic sources of rabbinic tradition, Balaam is mainly depicted as a rogue.”[66]

For example according to Johanan “at first he was a prophet, but subsequently a soothsayer.”[67] The epithet בלעם הרשׁע (“Balaam, the evil one”) is used of Balaam.[68] Speculations about Balaam’s name are a further source of derision. The Targum of Jonathan suggests that the name is related to Balaam’s insanity or the fact that he “swallows up the people.” Similarly the Talmud suggests that his name relates to his corruption of the people or that his son is a beast.[69] In the Mishnah, Balaam is said to have no portion in the world to come.[70] Balaam is pictured as physically deformed—partially blind and lame in one foot.[71] In the same passage Mar, the son of Rabina, states that Balaam committed bestiality with his donkey. There is debate in the literature as to whether the Balaam story should even be recited.[72]

This sharply negative view of Balaam may be attributed to a link in the rabbinic writings between Balaam and Jesus.[73] For example a somewhat cryptic statement follows a reference to Balaam: “She who was the descendant of princes and governors played the harlot with carpenters.”[74] This might be a veiled reference to Jesus’ mother.[75] In another Mishnaic reference Balaam’s (Jesus’?) disciples are said to be characterized by a grudging spirit, arrogance, and pride.[76] The same passage states, “The disciples of Balaam the wicked inherit Gehenna and go down to the Pit of Destruction.”[77] Sanhedrin 106b states that “Balaam the lame was thirty-three years old when Phineas the brigand killed him.” If “Phineas” is Pontius Pilate, then the thirty-three-year-old “Balaam” is probably Jesus.[78] If nothing else, this material shows that the later Jewish authorities considered Balaam a highly negative symbol.

In general the rabbinic commentators viewed Balaam in a negative light regardless of the time period in question. His person, motivations, actions, and spiritual condition are treated in the harshest of terms. As Baskin notes, “The Rabbis found the biblical soothsayer Balaam an ideal symbol of the perceived gentile evils of immorality, idolatry and sorcery. Throughout the rabbinic writings Balaam appears as an example of the evil man.”[79] Balaam was seen as a “representative of all that was bad in ‘the nations.’ ”[80]

Balaam in the Tell Deir ‘AllA Inscription

In 1967 pieces of a plaster inscription were discovered in building ruins (generally thought to be an ancient sanctuary)[81] located at Tell Deir ‘Alla in the Transjordan Valley near the Jabbok River. The dating of the ink on the plaster inscription has ranged from the eighth century to the Persian period, although most seem to hold an eighth-century date.[82] The discovery was initially complicated by two problems. First, the text is fragmented and at least fifteen combinations of the pieces have been proposed.[83] Second, the form of the text is debated. Is it Canaanite, Aramaic, or both?[84] It is generally agreed that the first combination is the most likely and that the text is Aramaic (at least primarily).

In the first combination and in the first line Balaam[85] is described as a “seer of the gods.” Interestingly Yahweh is never mentioned, although El, El Shaddayin, and a goddess (whose name is mostly missing from the fragmentary text) are found in the text. The superscription also mentions that Balaam saw an oracle like a vision. The rest of the text contains material not found in the biblical record (although some of the language is similar).[86] The oracle itself seems to relate to divine punishment and the loss of fertility.[87] A detailed examination of the text is not possible here, but such treatments are available.[88]

The inscription clearly presents Balaam in a positive light. Although he is not called a prophet, he is identified as a seer, and his oracle apparently was seen as significant enough to be recorded and placed on a wall or stele in a sanctuary. The fact that he is mentioned at all suggests some prominence. What is not certain is who held him in such high regard. Whether the sanctuary was Israelite or non-Israelite is difficult to determine.

Summary

The extracanonical perspective on Balaam is a mixture of “good” (e.g., 1 Enoch), “bad” (e.g., Philo), and “ugly” (e.g., the rabbinic materials).

Overview of Balaam in the New Testament

Balaam is mentioned three times in the New Testament (2 Pet. 2:15-16; Jude 11; Rev. 2:14).

Balaam in 2 Peter 2:15-16

Second Peter 2 introduces the issue most commentators believe is the central concern of the epistle, namely, false teachers and their false teaching. More specifically verses 10b–22 describe the false teachers in scathing terms. As Hiebert states, “Peter now plunges into a devastating, full-length portrayal of the coming false teachers. The language is intense and colorful as his scathing denunciation gushes forth in one sweeping torrent.”[89] In verses 15-16 Peter accused the false teachers of “forsaking the right way, they have gone astray, having followed the way of Balaam, the son of Beor, who loved the wages of unrighteousness” (v. 15). The manner in which the false teachers had gone astray is that they had followed the way of Balaam.[90] Balaam apparently is used as a paradigmatic example of the false prophet or teacher who leads people astray for his own financial benefit (“loved the wages of unrighteousness”).

Peter stated two things about Balaam in this verse. First, Balaam is identified as the son of Beor or Bosor. Even though the spelling of Beor is in harmony with Numbers 22:5, the textual evidence favors Bosor.[91] The problem with Bosor is that there is uncertainty regarding the reason for the spelling change (assuming that a scribal error was not involved). “Bosor” may reflect Peter’s Galilean pronunciation for “Beor.”[92] Others have suggested that Βοσόρ is a wordplay on the Hebrew term for “flesh” (בשׂר). Such wordplays were made in Jewish literary traditions and would certainly fit the character of Balaam as a “son of flesh.”[93]

Second, Balaam loved the wages (μισθόν)[94] of unrighteousness (cf. Num. 22:16-19).[95] The result was transgression. For this, God rebuked Balaam through a donkey.[96] Peter of course was referring to the incident in Numbers 22:21-35. In rebuking Balaam through the donkey God was actually restraining the insanity of the prophet (2 Pet. 2:16). It is not that Balaam was clinically insane, but that sin by nature is irrational. This incident points out that a donkey had more “spiritual” insight than the prophet. Comparing the false teachers to Balaam was no compliment. Obviously Peter did not think much of Balaam. To follow Balaam is to “go astray.”

Jude 11

Like 2 Peter,[97] the Book of Jude is concerned about false teachers and their false teaching (vv. 3-4). In verse 11 Jude confronted the false teachers with a “woe” oracle, a common feature of Old Testament prophecy used to announce the effects of impending judgments. Thus Jude was in effect stating that the false teachers were under divine judgment.

Three observations can be made about Jude’s use of Old Testament characters in describing the current false teachers. First, verse 11 refers to three ungodly Old Testament characters,[98] all of whom are noted in the Pentateuch (Cain, Balaam, and Korah). Second, God judged each of these Old Testament characters. Third, the behavior of the false teachers resembles a pattern established by Cain, Balaam, and Korah. Apparently Jude’s point was that the false teachers of his day were like Balaam in that they prostituted their spiritual gifts and offices for financial gain. As Bauckham states, “Probably Jude refers to the idea, found in the Jewish exegesis, that Balaam, enticed by the prospect of reward, hurried with great eagerness to go and curse Israel (Nu. Rab. 20:12; b. Sanh. 105b, interpreting Num 22:21); and, by telescoping the story, this would mean that he hurried to give the advice that led Israel into immorality. Similarly, the false teachers, greedy for money, have rushed to follow his example.”[99]

Revelation 2:14

In Revelation 2-3 Christ addressed seven churches in Asia Minor. Each section typically includes the church being addressed, a defining characteristic of Christ, a commendation of some kind, a condemnation of some sinful attitude or action,[100] a corrective action to take, and a concluding exhortation. His message to Pergamum (2:12-17) includes a reference to Balaam as part of the condemnation section. Apparently Jesus was confronting false teachers in Pergamum for holding views similar to those of Balaam (v. 14).[101] These teachings are related to the evil advice Balaam had given to Balak (Num. 31:16). This advice became a “stumbling block before the sons of Israel, to eat things sacrificed to idols, and to commit acts of immorality” (v. 14; cf. Num. 25). Balaam (like Jezebel in Rev. 2:20) is used here as a symbol. “The association of opponents with disreputable characters from the past (guilt by association) is one technique used to vilify them.”[102]

This reference to Balaam is interesting for several reasons. First, it is the first time an explicit link is drawn in Scripture to the statement in Numbers 31:16. Usually the background for the Balaam passages is Numbers 22-24. Second, unlike Peter and Jude the message to Pergamum makes no reference to financial gain on the part of Balaam. Third, there is an explicit tie to idolatry (είδωλόθυτος) and sexual immorality (πορνεύω).[103] Fourth, the teaching of Balaam is related to the teaching of the Nicolaitans.[104] Apparently the Nicolaitans were a heretical sect with antinomian tendencies.[105] In Revelation Balaam is clearly viewed negatively.

Summary

The New Testament perspective of Balaam is unambiguously negative. He is seen as a false prophet or teacher. His sins are twofold. First, he prostituted his spiritual gifts and office for financial gain, and second, he led people into immorality and idolatry.

Conclusion and Summary

The portraits of Balaam in both canonical and extracanonical texts suggest that he was a prominent figure whether in character or caricature.[106] It is worth noting that although the Old Testament perspective of Balaam is mixed, he started out well. But the overall portrait of Balaam is negative. This negative trajectory remains virtually unchanged in the canonical texts and much of the extracanonical material. The New Testament passages in 2 Peter, Jude, and Revelation are in harmony with this negative portrayal.[107] The negative portrayal of Balaam is underscored by the fact that the New Testament never refers to Numbers 24:17,[108] even though the postapostolic church believed it was a messianic text.[109] Another interesting aspect of this trajectory is the merging of Numbers 22-24 and 31. The story of the prophet for hire is conflated with the one whose words led others astray.[110]

However, the negative portrayal has some interesting divergences. For example Josephus is not as hard on Balaam as most writers. On the one hand the Tell Deir ˓Alla inscription provides historical footing for the existence of Balaam. On the other hand the uncertain setting of the inscription leaves doubt as to whose perspective is being represented (whether Jewish, pagan, or both). But these divergences seem to be exceptions, not the rule.

The New Testament portrait of Balaam is consistent with the negative trajectory that preceded it. Balaam had become the prototypical example of money-hungry religious figures who led people astray, even into idolatry.[111] Peter, Jude, and John undoubtedly believed that their audiences would be familiar with the Balaam story and its negative connotations.

Notes

1. Jacob Milgrom, Numbers: The Traditional Hebrew Text with the New JPS Translation, JPS Torah Commentary (New York: Jewish Publication Society, 1990), 471-73.
2. George W. Coats, “Balaam: Sinner or Saint?” Biblical Research 18 (1973): 21-29.
3. Walter C. Kaiser Jr., “Balaam Son of Beor in Light of Deir ˓Allå and Scripture: Saint or Soothsayer?” in Go to the Land I Will Show You: Studies in Honor of Dwight W. Young, ed. Joseph E. Coleson and Victor H. Matthews (Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns, 1996), 95.
4. For a comprehensive examination of this topic from a role theory perspective see Michael S. Moore, The Balaam Traditions: Their Character and Development, SBL Dissertation Series (Atlanta: Scholars, 1990).
5. For an examination of the oracles see Ronald Barclay Allen, “The Theology of the Balaam Oracles: A Pagan Diviner and the Word of God” (Th.D. diss., Dallas Theological Seminary, 1973); and Johnny Lee Wilson, “A Rhetorical Critical Analysis of the Balaam Oracles” (Ph.D. diss., Southern Baptist Theological Seminary, 1981).
6. For issues related to the power of words in general see A. C. Thiselton, “The Supposed Power of Words in the Biblical Writings,” Journal of Theological Studies 25 (1974): 283-99. Thiselton discusses the Balaam passage on page 296.
7. The absence of background information and the discovery of the inscription at Tell Deir ˓Alla may suggest that Balaam was known well enough not to require an introduction.
8. R. W. L. Moberly, “On Learning to Be a True Prophet: The Story of Balaam and His Ass,” in New Heaven and New Earth and the Millennium: Essays in Honour of Anthony Gelston, ed. P. J. Harland and C. T. R. Hayward (Leiden: Brill, 1999), 4.
9. Adriene Leveen even argues that Balaam serves as a literary foil of sorts and that his messages are presented as subtle rebukes of “Moses’ angry (and tired) words aimed at the children of Israel” (Memory and Tradition in the Book of Numbers [Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008], 54). Leveen’s argument is not persuasive, but her suggestion correctly draws attention to the generally positive portrait of Balaam in Numbers 22-24.
10. For possible ancient Near Eastern backgrounds in the Mari texts see X.81 and Herbert B. Huffman, “Prophecy in the Mari Letters,” Biblical Archaeologist 31 (1968): 101-24.
11. Coats calls him a “saint” (“Balaam: Sinner or Saint?” 22).
12. Critical scholars who assume a documentary approach to the Pentateuch tend to see this shift as the result of different traditions. See for example John T. Greene, Balaam: Prophet, Diviner, and Priest in Selected Ancient Israelite and Hellenistic Jewish Sources, Society of Biblical Literature 1989 Seminar Papers (Atlanta: Scholars, 1989), 57-106; John Van Seters, “From Faithful Prophet to Villain: Observations on the Tradition History of the Balaam Story,” in A Biblical Itinerary: In Search of Method, Form, and Content: Essays in Honor of George W. Coats, ed. Eugene E. Carpenter, Journal for the Study of the Old Testament Supplement Series (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic, 1997), 126-32; and Jo Ann Hackett, “Balaam,” in Anchor Bible Dictionary, ed. David Noel Freedman (New York: Doubleday, 1992), 1:569-70.
13. As Jeffrey Tigay notes, “Balaam’s intentions are ambiguous in Numbers. His stated attitude toward Israel is neutral, and he insists that he can only say what God puts into his mouth. On the other hand, the account of his journey to Balak (Num. 22:22-35) indicates that he went, against God’s will, after God told him not to curse Israel; this implies that he did intend to curse Israel. The present verse takes the position that Balaam indeed planned to curse Israel; the phrase ‘turned the curse’ implies that he had already formulated the curse in his mind, but that God reversed it” (Deuteronomy: The Traditional Hebrew Text with the New JPS Translation, JPS Torah Commentary [Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society, 1996], 212).
14. The word קסם is used in Numbers 22:7; 23:23; Deuteronomy 18:10, 14; Joshua 13:22; 1 Samuel 6:2; 15:23; 28:8; 2 Kings 17:17; Proverbs 16:10; Isaiah 3:2; 44:25; Jeremiah 14:14; 27:9; 29:8; Ezekiel 13:6, 9, 23; 21:26-28, 34; 22:28; Micah 3:6-7, 11; and Zechariah 10:2.
15. Robert L. Alden, “קסם,” in Theological Wordbook of the Old Testament, ed. R. Laird Harris, Gleason L. Archer, and Bruce K. Waltke (Chicago: Moody, 1980), 2:805-6; and Malcolm J. A. Horsnell, “קסם,” in New International Dictionary of Old Testament Theology and Exegesis, ed. Willem A. VanGemeren (Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1997), 3:945-51.
16. This idea is reinforced by the use of the Balaam story since it parallels Nehemiah’s situation. Sanballat and Tobiah also hired a prophet against Nehemiah (Neh. 6:10-14). See Joseph Blenkinsopp, Ezra-Nehemiah: A Commentary, Old Testament Library (Philadelphia: Westminster, 1988), 351.
17. The brevity of this statement suggests that the people were familiar with the Balaam story. As Hans Walter Wolff observes, “The audience must have known the content of what Balak ‘planned (the word ≈יע does not occur in Num. 22-24), namely, that Israel was to be cursed by Balaam (cf. Num. 22:6, 11, 17; 23:7; 24:10). They must also have known what Balaam answered; refusing to curse Israel, he blessed them according to Yahweh’s direction (עָנָה in Num. 22:18; 23:12, 26; cf. 22:13; 24:13)” (Micah: A Commentary, trans. Gary Stansell [Augsburg: Minneapolis, 1990], 176).
18. As Judith R. Baskin observes, “The biblical Balaam is a complex figure, combining apparent prophetic power with manifestly evil intention” (Pharaoh’s Counsellors: Job, Jethro, and Balaam in Rabbinic and Patristic Tradition, Brown Judaic Studies [Chico, CA: Scholars, 1983], 75).
19. Robert R. Wilson draws that conclusion. “The biblical texts simply present several perspectives on a traditional figure and are an uncertain guide to the actual nature of that figure” (Prophecy and Society in Ancient Israel [Philadelphia: Fortress, 1980], 147).
20. Philo (Judaeus) of Alexandria (ca. 20 B.C.–A.D. 50). The name “Balaam” (βαλαάμ) occurs several times in Philo’s writings (On theCherubim 32-33; That theWorse Attacks the Better 71; That God is Unchangeable 181; On theConfusionof Tongues 65, 159; On theMigrationof Abraham 113, 115; On the Change ofNames 202; On the Life of Moses 1:268, 281, 294, 300).
21. Louis H. Feldman, Philo’s Portrayal of Moses in the Context of Ancient Judaism, Christianity and Judaism in Antiquity (Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press, 2007), 188.
22. On theConfusionof Tongues 159; On the Change ofNames 202; That theWorse Attacks the Better 71. All translations of Philo are taken from Philo, The Works of Philo: Complete and Unabridged, trans. C. D. Yonge, new updated ed. (Peabody, MA: Hendrickson, 1993).
23. John T. Greene, Balaam and His Interpreters: A Hermeneutical History of the Balaam Traditions, Brown Judaic Studies (Atlanta: Scholars, 1992), 144.
24. On theCherubim 32; On theMigrationof Abraham 113.
25. On theConfusionof Tongues 159. Such etymological explanations for Balaam’s name are common in rabbinic literature.
26. That God Is Unchangeable 181 is probably a reference to the contention that he was not a true prophet. Philo sees proof of this in the story of Balaam’s donkey (Num. 22:21-35).
27. That God Is Unchangeable 181.
28. On the Change of Names 202.
29. On the Life ofMoses I.266.
30. On the Change of Names 202; cf. Numbers 31:8.
31. Peder Borgen states the following about Philo’s perspective. “Moses—and his laws—give a faultless revelation of the reality and the nature of all things” (“Philo of Alexandria: A Critical and Synthetical Survey of Research since World War II,” in Aufstieg und Niedergang der Romischen Welt 21.1, ed. W. Haase (Berlin: de Gruyter, 1984), 131.
32. The following material can be found in D. J. Harrington, “Pseudo-Philo,” in The Old Testament Pseudepigrapha, ed. James H. Charlesworth (Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1985), 2:297-303.
33. Geza Vermés, Scripture and Tradition in Judaism: Haggadic Studies, 2nd ed. (Leiden: Brill, 1973), 174.
34. Ibid.
35. Pseudo-Philo 18:2. See Frederick J. Murphy, Pseudo-Philo: Rewriting the Bible (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993), 84.
36. Pseudo-Philo 18:11.
37. Ibid., 18:14.
38. On the surface this might not seem significant, given the inherent selectivity of the material. But as Murphy observes, “This is one of the few instances in the Biblical Antiquities where there is no clear punishment for sin” (Pseudo-Philo: Rewriting the Bible, 89).
39. Ibid. Louis H. Feldman suggests that to show the indestructibility of Israel seems to be one of the overarching purposes of the book (“Prolegomenon,” in The Biblical Antiquities of Philo, ed. M. R. James, Library of Biblical Studies [New York: KTAV, 1971], 34).
40. Louis H. Feldman, “Josephus’ Portrait of Balaam,” in The Studia Philonica Annual: Studies in Hellenistic Judaism, ed. David T. Runia (Atlanta: Scholars, 1993), 5:48. Feldman has attributed Josephus’s interest in Balaam to his own interest in “the phenomenon of prophecy” (ibid., 49-50). In another essay Feldman attributes the interest to Josephus’s “apologetic goals and to his role as historian” (“Josephus’ Jewish Antiquities and Pseudo-Philo’s Biblical Antiquities,” in Josephus, the Bible, and History, ed. Louis H. Feldman and Gohei Hata (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1989), 66.
41. Louis H. Feldman, Josephus's Interpretation of the Bible (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1998), 135.
42. Greene, Balaam and His Interpreters, 144.
43. Ibid.
44. Josephus, The Antiquities of the Jews 4.111.
45. Ibid., 4.114-17.
46. Ibid., 4.106.
47. Feldman, “Josephus’ Portrait of Balaam,” 66-67.
48. Vermés, Scripture and Tradition in Judaism: Haggadic Studies, 131.
49. Josephus, The Antiquities of the Jews 4.104. But Josephus never called Balaam a prophet. The verb form of this word is never used in a positive sense in the Septuagint. See James Hope Moulton and George Milligan, The Vocabulary of the Greek Testament Illustrated from the Papyri and Other Non-Literary Sources (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1930), 388.
50. Josephus, The Antiquities of the Jews 4.127.
51. Ibid., 4.127-30.
52. Ibid., 4.157.
53. Ibid., 4.157-58. Some have suggested that 4.157 should be understood in the sense that Moses did not take credit for Balaam’s prophecies.
54. Ibid., 4.161; cf. Numbers 31:8.
55. Ibid., 4.158; cf. 1.108. Feldman notes that the inclusion of this statement “after the conclusion of the episode with the Midianite women . . . shows that he regarded the whole account [4.1ff] as a single narrative” (Flavius Josephus: Translation and Commentary, ed. Steve Mason, vol. 1 of Louis H. Feldman, Judean Antiquities 1-4: Translation and Commentary [Leiden: Brill, 2000], 385).
56. See Florentino Garcia Martinez and Eibert J. C. Tigchelaar, eds., The Dead Sea Scrolls Study Edition, 2 vols. (Leiden: Brill, 1997-1998).
57. Geza Vermés, The Complete Dead Sea Scrolls in English (New York: Penguin, 1997), 495.
58. One could make a case that this is an argument from silence, for indeed it is. Perhaps Balaam is not mentioned because he was irrelevant to the community.
59. The composite nature of the book makes dating challenging. See E. Isaac, “1 (Ethiopic Apocalypse of) Enoch,” in The Old Testament Pseudepigrapha, ed. James H. Charlesworth (Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1983-1985), 1:6-7.
60. Greene, Balaam and His Interpreters, 136.
61. Ibid.
62. George W. E. Nickelsburg, Jewish Literature between the Bible and the Mishnah: A Literary and Historical Introduction, 2nd ed. (Minneapolis: Fortress, 2005), 47. See also George W. E. Nickelsburg, 1 Enoch:A Commentary on the Book of 1 Enoch, Chapters 1-36, ed. Klaus Baltzer, Hermeneia (Minneapolis: Fortress, 2001), 137-41.
63. Nickelsburg, 1 Enoch:A Commentary on the Book of 1 Enoch, Chapters 1-36, 348.
64. Dealing with rabbinic literature is always challenging. It is difficult to know the dates of some of the material and how ancient the perspective might be. As will be noted later, some of the Balaam material seems to be a conscious reaction against Christianity.
65. b. Baba Batra 15b.
66. Jay Braverman, “Balaam in Rabbinic and Early Christian Traditions,” in Joshua Finkel Festschrift: In Honor of Joshua Finkel, ed. Sidney B. Hoenig and Leon D. Stitskin (New York: Yeshiva University Press, 1974), 42.
67. b. Sanhedrin 106a.
68. b. Berakot lc.; b.Ta˓anit 20a; b. Sanhedrin 105a; b. Zeba˙im 116a; m. ʾAbot 5:19; Midrash, Numbers Rabbah 20:14; and Targum, Pseudo-JonathanNumbers 23:21.
69. b. Sanhedrin 105b.
70. Ibid., 10:2.
71. Cf. ibid., 105a.
72. y. Berakot 1.4.
73. For a helpful discussion of the relevant material on the rabbinic linkage between Balaam and Jesus see Travers R. Herford, Christianity in Talmud and Midrash (New York: KTAV, 1903).
74. b.Sanhedrin 106a.
75. Caution is in order since neither Jesus nor His mother are explicitly mentioned.
76. m. ʾAbot 5:19.
77. Ibid.
78. C. A. Evans, “Jesus in Non-Christian Sources,” in Dictionary of Jesus and the Gospels, ed. Joel B. Green, Scot McKnight, and I. Howard Marshall (Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity, 1992), 367.
79. Baskin, Pharaoh’s Counsellors, 78-79.
80. Hackett, “Balaam,” 572.
81. There is some discussion regarding the original placement of the plaster. Some suggest that it was on a wall, and others suggest that it may have been part of a stele. See Gerrit van der Kooij, “Book and Script at Deir ˓Alla,” in The Balaam Text from Deir˓Alla Re-Evaluated: Proceedings of the International Symposium Held at Leiden 21-24 August 1989, ed. J. Hoftijzer and G. Van Der Kooij (New York: Brill, 1991), 239-41.
82. See P. Kyle McCarter Jr., “The Balaam Texts from Deir ˓Alla: The First Combination,” Bulletin of the Schools of Oriental Research 237 (1980): 49-60; and J. Naveh, “The Date of the Deir ˓Alla Inscription in Aramaic Script,” Israel Exploration Journal 17 (1967): 236-38.
83. M. W. Chavalas, “Balaam,” in Dictionary of the Old Testament Pentateuch, ed. T. Desmond Alexander and David W. Baker (Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity, 2003), 76.
84. Dennis Pardee, “The Linguistic Classification of the Deir ˓Alla Text,” in The Balaam Text from Deir˓Alla Re-Evaluated, 100-105.
85. It is generally assumed that the Balaam mentioned here is the same Balaam mentioned in the biblical record. While it is certainly possible that this Balaam is different from the Balaam of Numbers, the literature does not seem to recognize this possibility.
86. Hackett, “Balaam,” 572.
87. Chavalas, “Balaam,” 76. For combination 1 see McCarter, “The Balaam Texts from Deir ˓Alla,” 51-52.
88. See Jo Ann Hackett, The Balaam Text from Deir˓Alla, Harvard Semitic Monographs (Chico, CA: Scholars, 1980), 21-89; and McCarter, “The Balaam Texts from Deir ˓Alla: The First Combination,” 51-59.
89. D. Edmond Hiebert, Second Peter and Jude (Greenville, SC: Unusual, 1989), 109-10.
90. “ ‘The way of Balaam’ is figurative, but underlying the figure is the fact of the literal journey which Balaam undertook, according to the Mosaic account” (ibid., 119).
91. A textual problem here has resulted in two significant variants. Both internal and external evidence favors Βοσόρ. As Bruce M. Metzger notes, “The reading Βοσόρ, a name not found elsewhere, is strongly supported by almost all Greek manuscripts, and by most early versions. The reading Βεώρ, found in B 453 vgmss syrph copsa arm, is the prevailing spelling of the Septuagint. The singular reading of א* (Βεωορσόρ) is no doubt due to the conflation of Βοσόρ with a marginal correction -εωρ” (A Textual Commentary on the Greek New Testament, 2nd ed. [New York: United Bible Societies, 1994], 635).
92. Douglas J. Moo, 2 Peter and Jude, NIV Application Commentary (Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1996), 128.
93. Richard J. Bauckham, Jude, 2 Peter, Word Biblical Commentary (Waco, TX: Word, 1983), 267-68.
94. Jude used this word in connection with Balaam. There is probably an ironic wordplay here. Balaam’s wages are not ultimately silver or gold but rather unrighteousness.
95. Cf. Philo, On the Life ofMoses 1.267-68; and idem, On theCherubim 33-34.
96. Numbers 22:21-35 includes two rebukes: one from the donkey and one from the angel of the Lord.
97. Scholars have long noted the parallels between 2 Peter and Jude. If one assumes some form of literary dependence, then three options are available. (1) Second Peter and Jude both used an unidentified common source. (2) Jude was written first and Peter borrowed from Jude. (3) Peter wrote first and Jude borrowed from Peter. For a good defense of the third option see Hiebert, Second Peter and Jude, 195-200.
98. Triads are a commonly recognized literary feature in Jude.
99. Bauckham, Jude, 2 Peter, 82.
100. However, no condemnation was included in the addresses to the churches of Smyrna and Philadelphia.
101. Some interpreters suggest that Balaam was “a nickname for one of John’s contemporaries” (see Paul B. Duff, “Wolves in Sheep’s Clothing: Literary Opposition and Social Tension in the Revelation of John,” in Reading the Book of Revelation: A Resource for Students [Atlanta: Society of Biblical Literature, 2003], 66 n 2). One example is Adela Yarbro Collins, Crisis and Catharsis: The Power of the Apocalypse (Philadelphia: Westminster, 1984), 44-45.
102. David E. Aune, Revelation 1-5, Word Biblical Commentary (Dallas: Word, 1997), 185.
103. Cf. Numbers 25 and 31.
104. Colin J. Hemer sees an etymological connection between “Balaam” and “Nicolaus” (The Letters to the Seven Churches of Asia in Their Local Setting, Journal for the Study of the New Testament Supplement Series [Sheffield: JSOT, 1986], 89).
105. See for example Aune, Revelation 1-5, 148-49.
106. Eugene La Verdiere states, “In both biblical and extra-biblical tradition, Balaam was a prophet respected and feared for the effectiveness of his blessings and curses on peoples and nations” (“Balaam, Son of Peor,” Bible Today 89 [1977]: 1165).
107. One of the great ironies is the tendency of later rabbinic writings to link Balaam with Jesus, underscoring the negative portrayal of Balaam.
108. Some might argue that there is an allusion in Revelation 22:16 (“the bright Morning Star”). However, the index of UBS4 does not list it as an allusion or verbal parallel.
109. G. H. Guyot convincingly argues that a messianic reading of Numbers 24:17 is supported by both Jewish and Christian traditions and the context of the passage (“The Prophecy of Balaam,” Catholic Biblical Quarterly 2 [1940]: 335-40).
110. Coats argues that there are “two distinct channels of tradition, deriving from a single original kernel” which “depicts the scarlet character of Balaam’s sin” (“Balaam: Sinner or Saint?” 21). If Coats is correct, then these distinct channels return to the kernel in the New Testament.
111. Cf. Ephesians 5:5 and Colossians 3:5. Brian Rosner demonstrates the fundamental link between greed and idolatry (Greed as Idolatry: The Origin and Meaning of a Pauline Metaphor [Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2007]).