Monday 17 October 2022

Elijah’s Little-Known Letter in 2 Chronicles 21:12–15

By Roy E. Knuteson

[Roy E. Knuteson, of Wisconsin Rapids, Wisconsin, pastored for forty-five years and is now engaged in a Bible-teaching and writing ministry.]

Tucked away in the seldom-read book of 2 Chronicles is a message from the prophet Elijah, in the form of a letter to Jehoram, king of Judah (2 Chron. 21:12–15). The timing of this rather mysterious letter is an interpretive problem that some commentators either ignore or simply acknowledge with little in-depth analysis. However, a careful consideration of the timing and the contents of this letter significantly changes the common understanding of the ministry and the so-called “translation” of the great prophet. It is necessary first to establish an acceptable and accurate chronology of the life and times of Elijah in order to date this unexpected letter.

Elijah’s Ministry

Elijah is introduced in 1 Kings 17:1 as a “Tishbite,” meaning that he was a native or a “settler” in Gilead east of the Jordan River. Elijah was a distinctively dressed individual (2 Kings 1:7–8), whose relatively short ministry of twenty years or less was characterized by intermittent warnings and prophecies and periods of obscurity. From his point of origin in Gilead, Elijah walked about thirty miles to Samaria, the capital of the Northern Kingdom, to confront King Ahab with an announcement of national judgment in the form of an extended drought. Thiele suggests that this first encounter with Ahab occurred in 870 b.c., but Merrill gives the date of 860 b.c.[1] (Conservative scholars generally agree that Ahab reigned from 874 to 853.[2]) During the three and one-half year drought (James 5:17) Elijah was supernaturally sustained outside of Ahab’s jurisdiction at the brook Cherith, east of the Jordan, and in the home of a widow in Zarephath in Phoenicia (1 Kings 17:7–16).

In 867 b.c.[3] (or 857)[4] Elijah appeared again in Ahab’s court and proposed a test to determine whether the true God is Ahab’s god Baal or the Israelites’ God Yahweh. The well-known contest at Carmel concluded with an announcement of a coming rainstorm (18:41–46). When Ahab told his wife Jezebel that Elijah had executed the 450 prophets of Baal, she vowed to kill the prophet. Hearing this death threat, Elijah fled to Mount Horeb, where God recommissioned him and ordered him to anoint Hazael king over Syria in Damascus, Jehu to be king over Israel, and Elisha to be his successor (19:15–16).

Elijah was secluded somewhere during the ensuing wars between Ahab and Ben-hadad (20:1–42). After six years he reappeared to denounce Ahab and Jezebel for the murder of Naboth (21:17–24). This was his last encounter with Israel’s king. However, during the one-year reign of Ahab’s son Ahaziah, the prophet delivered a message of impending death to the new king (2 Kings 1:12–17). Since Ahaziah had no son as a successor, Joram (also known as Jehoram) succeeded him as king “in the second year of Jehoram, son of Jehoshaphat, king of Judah” (v. 17). (It is important to distinguish these two kings who bore the same name and whose rulerships in the two nations overlapped.)

In the meantime the Lord told Elijah that his public ministry was almost over and that he would soon be taken away (2:1). Knowing that their separation was imminent, Elisha was determined not to let his mentor out of his presence. Elijah tried to separate himself from Elisha three times. En route from Gilgal he told Elisha to remain where they were, since he had to go on to Bethel. Elisha refused, and the company of the prophets who resided there announced that Elijah would soon be separated from Elisha. How they knew this is not revealed. The same thing happened at Jericho (v. 5), and again as they went to the Jordan River (v. 7). From a distant vantage point fifty of the sons of the prophets witnessed the dividing of the Jordan River as Elijah struck the running waters with his mantle. When Elijah asked what he could do for his protégé, Elisha asked for a “double portion” of his spirit. This would be granted, he said, “if you see me when I am taken from you, it shall be so for you” (v. 10). Then suddenly it happened!

Elijah Disappears

“As they were going along and talking, behold, there appeared a chariot of fire and horses of fire which separated the two of them. And Elijah went up by a whirlwind to heaven” (2 Kings 2:11). It is possible to date the disappearance of the prophet based on the dates of Jehoram’s rule in Judah. As Thiele observes, “The time when Jehoram of Judah came to the throne can be fixed at some-time between Nisan and Tishri, 848. This, of course, will be the beginning of his sole reign, for it will be remembered that the double-dating of the accession of Joram of Israel, both in the eighteenth year of Jehoshaphat (2 Kings 3:1), as well as in the second year of Jehoram of Judah (2 Kings 1:17) pointed to a co-regency between Jehoram and his father Jehoshaphat of which 853/52 was the second year.”[5] Japhet concurs. “According to the possible sequence in Kings, Elijah’s death/disappearance (2 Kings 2) preceded the accession of Jehoram or occurred during the early years of his reign; at the date assumed by the present context, Elijah had already made his mysterious departure.”[6]

Therefore Elijah vanished between the second year of Jehoram’s coregency in 852 and the death of Jehoshaphat in 848, since Elisha was already recognized as the primary prophet in Israel, while Jehoshaphat was still alive (3:11–12). When Jehoram had established himself over his father’s kingdom, he killed all his brothers and some of the princes to secure the throne for himself (2 Chron. 21:1–4). In a year or two after Elijah vanished (presumably in 848 or 847) and apparently soon after Jehoram began his sole reign in 848, the king received an unexpected letter. “It is no surprise that God responds to this apostasy through prophecy, though the presence of a letter from Elijah is unexpected. Elijah makes no other appearances in Chronicles, is only known to have prophesied in Israel…[he] wrote no other letters and is thought by many to have died by this time.”[7]

Elijah’s Letter

Elijah’s letter reads, “Thus says the Lord God of your father David, ‘Because you have not walked in the ways of Jehoshaphat your father and the ways of Asa king of Judah, but have walked in the ways of the kings of Israel, and have caused Judah and the inhabitants of Jerusalem to play the harlot as the house of Ahab played the harlot, and you have also killed your brothers, your own family, who were better than you, behold the Lord is going to strike your people, your sons, your wives and all your possessions with a great calamity; and you will suffer severe sickness, a disease of your bowels, until your bowels come out because of the sickness, day by day’ ” (2 Chron. 21:12–15).

How can the timing of this letter be explained, since it arrived a year or two after Elijah’s disappearance? A number of answers have been suggested by various writers. First, Williamson suggests that Elijah did not actually write this letter.

It is generally agreed that this letter is the Chronicler’s own composition. On the one hand we have repeatedly seen that it is his practice elsewhere to comment in similar fashion on the events he is recording while on the other hand it has been argued that had there existed such a letter from Elijah, the Deuteronomic historian would undoubtedly have included it…Had such a letter been sent to Jehoram, we would not have expected it to be included with the King’s Elijah cycle, since the latter’s literary history must have started in the north and might well have been sufficiently determined early on for no convenient place for the inclusion of this letter to have been found. Despite this, however, the balance of the probability must still be said to lie against the letter’s authenticity.[8]

Curtis and Madsen say this letter is a “pure product of the imagination,”[9] and Myers calls it “apocryphal.”[10]

According to this reasoning the letter was not written by Elijah and therefore the question of dating is moot since the chronicler could insert his own composition wherever he felt it fit the narrative. The letter is then considered legendary and the product of the chronicler’s imagination.

Second, Gottwald states that “Elisha in many respects looks like a double for Elijah, and some scholars have argued that the two cycles refer to a single prophet.”[11] In other words the name Elijah could just as easily be Elisha. This answer, which is pure conjecture, should be rejected.

Third, the coregency of Jehoram and Jehoshaphat is used to explain the chronology and dating problem. Smith states, “We conclude that his translation probably occurred about the time of the accession to the throne of Jehoram of Israel. The difficulty presented to this conclusion by 2 Ch. XXI 12–15 can possibly be resolved by interpreting the much-controversial 2 Ki VIII. 16 to teach a co-regency of Jehoshaphat and Jehoram, kings of Judah, or by regarding the letter as a prophetic oracle written prior to his translation.”[12] This view suggests that Elijah’s departure occurred after he wrote this letter. This is also suggested by Merrill. “This event [the ascension of Jehoram as king of Israel], the author of Kings wrote, occurred ‘in the second year of Jehoram.. . king of Judah.’ Though Jehoram’s sole regency in Judah began in the year of Jehoshaphat’s death (848), he co-reigned with his father from 853 to 848. It is still true, of course, that Jehoram could not have murdered his brothers until after 848, so the matter of Elijah’s knowledge of this fact remains. Since there is no certain way to date Elijah’s translation, perhaps it did not take place until 848 or even later.”[13] Similarly Stet suggests that Elijah wrote the letter “as early as 847” and then was translated later that same year.[14]

However, 2 Kings 2:11 and 3:1 suggest that Elijah vanished before Jehoshaphat died (in 848) and that he wrote the letter after Jehoram killed his brothers (2 Chron. 21:1, 12).

Dillard observes that “a straightforward reading of 2 Kings 2–3 suggests that Elijah had already been taken to heaven and that he was succeeded by Elisha during the reign of Jehoshaphat. He would not have been living during the reign of Jehoram to write a letter.”[15]

Fourth, the most popular view is that the letter is a prophecy.[16] In this view the letter was lying around somewhere for about two years and was then delivered at the appropriate time by an unknown courier. Gaebelein suggests that “this message was probably entrusted by Elijah to Elisha and when the proper moment came, this man of God delivered the writing to Jehoram, telling him at the same time that it was from Elijah.”[17] Payne explains that “Elijah was probably gone by the time of the delivery of this letter, so that its sentences of doom came almost as a voice from the dead.”[18] The Jerusalem Bible says that “the Chronicler speaks of a prophetic document, not the prophet in person.”[19]

However, this is all speculation. The sequence of events recorded in 2 Chronicles 21 suggests that, as stated earlier, the letter was written after the murder of Jehoram’s brothers (vv. 1, 4, 12–15). The citation of these crimes became the basis for the prophecy about the overthrow of Jehoram’s family and the painful and protracted illness from which he would die. The prophetic portion of this letter was fulfilled in the next two or three years, as recorded in verses 16–19. Verse 12, “Then a letter came to him from Elijah the prophet,” suggests nothing unusual about the timing and implies that Elijah was still alive somewhere when the letter was delivered. As De Vries says, “Elijah…was living in the north just at this time.”[20] An explanation about the timing of this letter lies in examining what actually happened to Elijah when he was taken from the side of Elisha.

Elijah’s Departure

The traditional understanding of this rather amazing event is that Elijah went up to heaven in a fiery chariot pulled by horses of fire. Pink believes “it was by celestial beings, the highest among them, that Elijah was taken to heaven…Elijah was removed to the world of angels, and so angels were sent to conduct him hither…that he might ride in state and triumph to the skies like a conqueror.”[21] Krummacher writes the following about this event.

The horses of fire and the flaming chariot stand already prepared behind the clouds to fetch him away, nor has the Lord concealed from him the distinguished manner in which he was about to be taken home…Elijah was not only translated to heaven by a way which passeth not through the gates of death, but this translation was also to take place visibly, with a glory never before witnessed. A whirlwind was to accompany it, nay, a fiery chariot from another world was provided to fetch the prophet home…How he must have felt, when, lifting up his eyes to the heavens, and looking at the stars in the firmament, he would say to himself, “Behold, in a few days I shall be passing through those heavens, far beyond the Orion and the Pleiades, far beyond the sun and the moon, and then—oh then, I shall enter the very sanctuary of heaven into the light of day where the triune Jehovah sitteth on his throne, where the angels strike their harps, and the patriarchs dwell in peaceful tabernacles…” The wonderful event recorded here is one of the most glorious, significant facts which the world ever witnessed before the birth of Christ.[22]

As beautiful and moving as this bit of flowery rhetoric is, it is simply the imagination of the author and lacks scriptural support. The Bible states twice, that Elijah “went up to heaven in a whirlwind” (2 Kings 2:1, 11). In two occurrences in Job (38:1; 40:6), the Hebrew word סְעָרָה translated “whirlwind” means a windstorm or a tornado-like wind. This Hebrew word is also used metaphorically in Isaiah, Jeremiah, and Zechariah for God’s judgment on the wicked (Isa. 40:24; 41:16; Jer. 23:19; 30:23; Zech. 9:14).

Such a whirlwind, therefore, could have transported Elijah away from the immediate area, as some tornadoes have been known to do. Second Kings 2:1, 11 state that Elijah went by means of the whirlwind “to heaven.” Edersheim points out that “the Greek rendering of the LXX is ‘as it were’ or ‘like unto heaven.’ … It must however, be admitted that the Hebrew will bear the rendering: ‘towards heaven’ as much as that of the A.V. ‘into heaven.’ ”[23] Lange agrees. “The verse is generally translated as it is by Luther, ‘Behold! There came a chariot of fire and horses of fire … and so Elijah rode in a whirlwind, towards heaven…’ [The Hebrew word] does not mean: up into heaven, but: ‘towards, or in the direction of heaven, heaven-wards.’ ”[24]

It is well-worth observing that the primitive church, little as it was inclined to shrink back from the miracle, still did not say anything of any heavenward ride of Elijah… That the Jews also, before and at the time of Christ, knew nothing of an ascension of Elijah into heaven, is clear from the fact that in the great eulogy of Elijah (Sirach xlviii.1–12) where this wonderful removal is mentioned, neither in ver. 9 nor in ver. 12 do we find εἰς τὸν οὐρανόν… In the scriptures themselves there is no mention whatever of the ascension of Elijah into heaven, not even in Hebr. xi, where we would most expect it… How does it happen that, however often mention may be made of Elijah, just this event, which is asserted to be the most important in his career, remains utterly unmentioned?[25]

The wording therefore does not demand an entrance into the celestial heaven by means of a whirlwind. Consistent with the rest of the story, 2 Kings 2:1, 11 simply means he was taken upward in the direction of heaven. The word “heaven” is used of all three heavens in the Old Testament. But literally dozens of references to “heaven” refer to only the sky, as in “the birds of heaven” (Jer. 15:3, KJV). Many of these references are correctly translated “sky” by both the New American Standard Bible and the New International Version. Since Elijah was caught away by means of a windstorm, it is most reasonable to translate the term “heaven” in 2 Kings 1:1, 11 by the word “sky.” Unlike Jesus, he did not pass “through the heavens” (Heb. 4:14) in his brief ride through the atmosphere above.

When Elijah was informed that his public ministry as a prophet was over, he requested that Elisha leave him alone. Since Elisha refused to do this, God used the dramatic means of a fiery chariot and fiery horses to separate these two men, and at the same time, He used a literal whirlwind to transport Elijah away from the area and from Elisha.[26] Earlier Obadiah the messenger of Ahab expressed his concern about just such a happening. He told Elijah that he was concerned that “the Spirit of the Lord [would] carry you away where I do not know” (1 Kings 18:12). Like Philip in Acts 8:39 Elijah was caught away to another place on earth. During Elijah’s lift-off in the whirlwind, his mantle fell to the ground and was retrieved by Elisha and used as the symbol of his new power as the prophet of God. Although Elijah knew that his departure was at hand, he never spoke of his being taken to heaven. Instead he along with some of the prophets who were informed of the separation, simply spoke of his being “taken away” (2 Kings 2:3, 5, 10). The sons of the prophets who witnessed the separation and windstorm believed that “perhaps the Spirit of the Lord has taken him up and cast him on some mountain or into some valley” (v. 16).

Obviously it seemed to them that Elijah did not go straight up to the third heaven, as is generally believed. Instead fifty of these young men asked for and received the reluctant permission of Elisha to search for him for three days. Though they hoped to find the living prophet in the somewhat immediate area, they did not find him. Elijah simply disappeared. And apparently he was unheard of again until he penned this letter to Jehoram. The person who carried the letter knew of his whereabouts, but he made no comment about it since it was generally assumed that Elijah was still alive and it was typical of him to appear and disappear.

There is no biblical revelation of Elijah’s “translation” as there is for Enoch in Hebrews 11:5, as one might expect if Elijah too was raptured to heaven. Admittedly, however, the word לָקַח, “taken away,” is used of Enoch being translated to heaven (Gen. 5:24). But it is also used of removing a person to another geographic location (e.g., four kings carried away Lot, 14:12; and Saul sent men to take away David, 1 Sam. 19:14).

Where Elijah was put down on earth no one knows. But the Lord prompted him to write this letter to Jehoram to remind the king of his murderous ways and to announce God’s judgment on him, which was fulfilled two years later (2 Chron. 21:19).

Jehoram’s crimes must have been common knowledge, and the details were therefore also available to Elijah wherever he was living at that time. Just as Elijah abruptly appeared on the scene, so he disappeared without notice. When and where he died is not revealed. He did reappear in person on the Mount of Transfiguration (Mark 9:4), and he will appear once again before “the great and dreadful day of the Lord comes” (Mal. 4:5–6).

Whatever interpretation anyone makes of this fascinating and intriguing story, serious consideration must be given to this late-dated letter from Elijah.

Notes

  1. Edwin Thiele, The Mysterious Numbers of the Hebrew Kings (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1965), 65; Eugene H. Merrill, Kingdom of Priests (Grand Rapids: Baker, 1996), 346.
  2. See the chart “Kings of Judah and Israel and the Preexilic Prophets,” in The Bible Knowledge Commentary, Old Testament, ed. John F. Walvoord and Roy B. Zuck (Wheaton, IL: Victor, 1983), 513.
  3. Thiele, The Mysterious Numbers of the Hebrew Kings, 65.
  4. Merrill, Kingdom of Priests, 346.
  5. Ibid., 69.
  6. Sara Japhet, I and II Chronicles: A Commentary, Old Testament Commentary (Louisville: Westminster/John Knox, 1993), 812.
  7. Martin J. Selman, 2 Chronicles: A Commentary, Tyndale Old Testament Commentaries (Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity, 1994), 435 (italics his).
  8. Hugh Williamson, 1 and 2 Chronicles, New Century Bible (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1982), 306.
  9. E. L. Curtis and A. A. Madsen, A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the Books of Chronicles (Edinburgh: Cluck, 1910), 415.
  10. J. M. Myers, I and II Chronicles, Anchor Bible (Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1965), 122.
  11. Norman Gottwald, A Light to the Nations (New York: Harper Brothers, 1959), 263.
  12. B. L. Smith, “Elijah,” in The New Bible Dictionary (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1970), 363.
  13. Eugene H. Merrill, “2 Chronicles,” in The Bible Knowledge Commentary: Old Testament, 636.
  14. J. H. Stet, “Elijah,” in International Standard Bible Encyclopedia, vol. 2 (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1982), 66.
  15. Raymond B. Dillard, 2 Chronicles, Word Biblical Commentary (Waco, TX: Word, 1987), 167.
  16. The New Scofield Study Bible (New York: Oxford, 1984), 452; and Selman, 2 Chronicles, 436.
  17. A. C. Gaebelein, The AnnotatedBible (New York: Our Hope, 1915), 11:447.
  18. J. Barton Payne, “Second Chronicles,” in TheWycliffe Bible Commentary, ed. Charles F. Pfeiffer and Everett F. Harrison (Chicago: Moody, 1962), 407.
  19. The Jerusalem Bible (Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1966), 549.
  20. Simon J. De Vries, 1 and 2 Chronicles, Forms of the Old Testament Literature (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1989), 333. See also Selman, 2 Chronicles: A Commentary, 436.
  21. A.W. Pink, The Life Of Elijah (London: Banner of Truth Trust, 1968), 311.
  22. F. W. Krummacher, Elijah the Tishbite (Grand Rapids: Zondervan, n.d.). 213–14, 242.
  23. Alfred Edersheim, The History of Israel and Judah (New York: Revell, 1885), 6:103.
  24. John Peter Lange, The Second Book of the Kings, Commentary on the Holy Scriptures, trans. Philip Schaff (Grand Rapids: Zondervan, n.d.), 13–14.
  25. Ibid., 15. Sirach 48:9 does refer to the whirlwind as a “whirlwind of fire,” perhaps thus suggesting a kind of supernatural ascent to heaven. But 2 Kings 2:1 and 11 refer simply to a whirlwind, not a whirlwind of fire.
  26. Why were there a fiery chariot and horses? Thomas L. Constable says these “were symbols of God’s power in battle. Horses and chariots were the mightiest means of warfare in that day. God was saying in this event that His power was far greater than any military might. It was this might that Elijah had demonstrated and which Elisha in his wisdom valued so highly” (“2 Kings,” in The Bible Knowledge Commentary,Old Testament, 540). Leon Wood says that they were symbols of strength and protection (Elijah: Prophet of God [Des Plaines, IL: Regular Baptist, 1968], 155).

Sunday 16 October 2022

Echo Narrative Technique in Hebrew Literature: A Study in Judges 19

By Daniel I. Block

[This is a revised edition of a paper presented a the Upper Midwest regional meeting of the Society of Biblical Literature in St. Paul, Minnesota, April 1988, and at the national meeting of the Evangelical Theological Society held in Wheaton, Illinois, in November 1988.]

I. Introduction

It is becoming increasingly apparent that Hebrew narrative tends to follow conventional patterns. This awareness is having a revolutionary effect on the interpretation of many narrative texts, particularly those which appear to have borrowed motifs and expressions from other passages. In the past, higher criticism has treated duplicate accounts in the Pentateuch as variations of the same original story.[1] The characters and specific circumstances may vary, but this is explained as evidence for multiple sources. Recently Robert Alter has argued that these should rather be understood as “type-scenes” occurring at crucial junctures in important individuals’ lives.[2] Such type-scenes may be expected to unfold according to more or less standard patterns. But signs of convention are evident also at the microlevel, that is in the use of predictable vocabulary and phraseology in specific narrative contexts. To cite only one example, David M. Gunn has discovered a great deal of stereotyping in the manner in which battles and violent deaths are recounted in Judges and Samuel.[3]

There is one particular type of repetitive strategy that has received inadequate attention, namely echo narrative technique, or echo literary strategy. By echo literary strategy we mean a story-teller’s deliberate employment of preexistent accounts or segments thereof to shape the recounting of a new event. Since the term echo implies a repetition of sound, the designation nation would seem especially appropriate for oral presentations, in which a narrator borrows familiar traditional accounts and incorporates the structures and phrases found there into his own presentation. However, it is also theoretically possible that this rhetorical strategy could be employed in written narrative composition, particularly in OT texts, where so much traditional material is found. While we have not attempted to identify all or even many accounts which might have been influenced by an echo rhetorical strategy, the purpose of this paper is to examine one passage which appears to be a likely candidate, Judges 19. Our investigation will consist of two parts: (1) an analysis of the relationship between Judges 19 and Genesis 19, and (2) an explanation for the narrator’s use of this traditional material.

II. Judges 19 and Genesis 19

The connection between Judges 19 and Genesis 19 has long been recognized.[4] Although most scholars have accepted the primacy of the Genesis account,[5] recently some have proposed the reverse. Susan Niditch has argued that Judg 19:10–30 is an integral part of a larger beautifully crafted tale (encompassing chaps. 19–20) concerned with lofty theological notions of community, family, caring, and responsibility. Genesis 19, by contrast, is not integral to the larger narrative framework in which it is embedded. Furthermore, it presents a much simpler theological message, and should therefore be viewed as secondary.[6] The interpretation is creative and daring, going against the current of prevailing opinion, but can it be maintained? In order to answer the question a closer look at the relationship between the two texts must be taken.

The parallels between Genesis 19 and Judges 19 are striking. At the thematic level we note:

  1. A small group of travelers arrives in the city in the evening.
  2. A person who is himself an alien observes the presence of this company.
  3. The travelers have a mind to spend the night in the open square (רחוב).
  4. At the insistence of the host, the travelers agree to spend the night in his house.
  5. The host washes the guests’ feet (implied in Gen 19:3 after the offer in v. 2).
  6. Host and guests share in a fellowship meal.
  7. Base men of the city surround the house.
  8. They demand of the host that he deliver his male guests over to them that they might commit homosexual gang rape.
  9. The host protests this display of wickedness.
  10. When the protests prove futile the hosts hand over a substitute female.

But the connections extend beyond common motifs. The chapters also share a common vocabulary, particularly verbs: “spend the night” (לין, Gen 19:2; 11 times in Judges 9, functioning as a Leitmotif tying vv. 1–9 to the events that happen at Gibeah), “to turn aside” (סור, Gen 19:2; Judg 19:11, 12, 15), “rising early and going on one’s way” (לדרככם (ם)והשכמתם והלכת, Gen 19:2; Judg 19:9), “to dilly dally” (התמהמה, Gen 19:16; Judg 19:8), “washing the feet” (רחחּ רגלים, Gen 19:2; Judg 19:20), “and they ate” (ויאכלו, Gen 19:3; Judg 19:21).[7] The substantives also correlate, as in “at evening” (בערב, Gen 19:1, Judg 19:16), and “house” (בית, Gen 19:2, 3, 4, 11; Judg 19:18, 21–23). Niditch downplays these correspondences, suggesting that “these are common terms associated with travel and hospitality in the OT.” On the other hand, “A rote or wooden re-use of language by one of the versions would tend to point to a borrowing or imitative relationship.”[8] (But she finds no firm indication of copying in the shared language. While this may be true for the units as whole entities, the intensification of the parallelism as the narratives reach their respective climaxes (Gen 19:4–8; Judg 19:22–24) suggests that there was indeed some intentional echoing. The correspondence between the texts may be highlighted by juxtaposing them as in the accompanying synopsis.[9]

The relatively limited number of unique features in the two texts is quite remarkable. The pluses are rather evenly divided. In the Genesis text the added elements consist of: (1) a reference to the scope of the participation in the vile deed (v. 4); (2) the interrogative particle, “Where?” which results in a stylistic variation (v. 5); (3) mention of the time of day that the visitors had come to Lot (v. 5); (4) a modifying prepositional phrase, “to us” (v. 5); (5) reference to the doorway, where Lot meets the residents (v. 6); (6) notice of Lot’s shutting the door behind him, presumably to protect those inside the house (v. 6); (7) the prepositional phrase “to you” (v. 8).

The pluses in the Judges text are these: (1) an introductory והנה,”and behold” (v. 22); (2) reference to the locals pounding on the door of the old man’s house (v. 22); (3) further descriptions of the anonymous counterpart to Lot (vv. 22–23); (4) the prepositional phrase, “to them” (v. 23); (5) the man’s warning not to commit this vile deed (הנבלה הזאת, v. 23); (6) the permission granted by the old man to ravish his daughter and the concubine (v. 24); (7) a repeated reference to the vile deed (v. 24).



Apart from these distinctive elements, virtually every element in Genesis 19 finds a counterpart in Judges 19. In fact, if the nota accusativi and the following substantive are counted as a single lexical entity, then the total number of words in each text is exactly the same, 69. If accentual units are counted, similar conclusions result. Of the words found in Genesis 19, almost one-fourth (16) occur in the same form in Judges 19. An additional 24 expressions from Genesis 19 find a close counterpart in Judges 19, the variations being grammatical, stylistic, or such as are called for by the context. Occasionally statements from Genesis 19 are recast and/or paraphrased in Judges 19. “Before they lay down” in Gen 19:4 is roughly equivalent to “While they were making merry” in Judg 19:22, inasmuch as both identify the temporal context of the events that follow. What appears as a question and a command in Gen 19:5 is conflated into a single command in Judg 19:22. The causal clause at the end of Gen 19:8 is recast and brought forward to precede the first warning not to commit the evil deed in Judg 19:23. “I have two daughters” in Gen 19:8 is answered with “my daughter…and his concubine” in Judg 19:24, preserving the involvement of two potential female victims. “Who have not known a man” in Gen 19:8 is replaced by a single expression, בתולה.10

The conclusions to the two stories are quite different. In the first, Lot’s offer of his two daughters is rejected by the men of Sodom, and in the end it is the intervention of the visitors that saves the entire household from the locals’ fury. In the second, the men of Gibeah are not satisfied with the old man’s proposal either. With the comment, “But the men would not listen to him,” the narrator summarizes a response that might otherwise have been cast in the shape of Gen 19:9. Although the text is silent on any threats to the household as such, the intervention of the visitor again proves decisive. He seizes his concubine and delivers her over to the men of Gibeah who find relief for their lusts by abusing her all night. The morning finds her on the doorstep of the house which should have provided refuge for her. The sequel to Genesis 19 has the city totally destroyed by an act of direct divine intervention. In the sequel to Judges 19, Yahweh involves the Israelites in punishing one of their own tribes.

Nevertheless, given their similarities, it is difficult to avoid the conclusion that incorporated into these accounts is an authentic example of echo narrative technique. It simply will not do to dismiss the shared diction as “common terms associated with travel and hospitality in the OT,” as Niditch has done. One of the accounts appears to have been deliberately modeled on a story that was being circulated at the time of its composition. But the borrowing is not slavish. Regardless of which text is primary, the secondary author expressed great freedom of expression in his re-use of the traditional story. Whether the primary tradition was transmitted in written or oral form cannot be established at the present. The extent of the borrowing seems to point in the direction of the former.

III. The Rhetorical Significance of Echo Narrative Technique

Having established that one author’s account is modeled after the other’s, the direction of the borrowing remains an open question. Since the two texts are virtually identical in length, it cannot be argued that either is an expansion or commentary on the other. The canon of the shorter reading being primary is irrelevant. If it is assumed that the hypothetical J document (Genesis 19) antedates the “appendices” of Judges, the question is answered. However, Niditch has challenged prevailing opinion by arguing for the primacy of Judges 19, basing her arguments upon the integrity of the passage to its broader literary context. Can this position be sustained? In order to do so one would need to demonstrate that the author of Genesis 19 had greater motivation for utilizing Judges 19 than vice versa.

Some scholars understand the book of Judges to be essentially an apology for the Davidic monarchy.[11] In keeping with this view, and complementary to the refrain, “In those days there was no king in Israel” (17:6; 18:1; 19:1; 21:25), the author’s intention in chap. 19 has been to discredit the Benjamite tribe as a whole, and the house of Saul in particular.[12] Significantly, Gibeah was both Saul’s birthplace (1 Sam 10:26) and the site of his residence as king (1 Sam 13–15). If Judges 19 is primarily concerned with this polemic, it is difficult to imagine why it should have been utilized by the author of Genesis 19. While some have drawn connections between the Abraham traditions and the house of David,[13] an anti-Saulde stance is nowhere in evidence.

Recent scholarship has been fascinated by both of these accounts because of their sociological messages. By attempting to understand these texts from the perspective of the female participants in the narrative, we have gained a new appreciation for the feelings of the victims of an oppressive patriarchy. Both of these stories reflect a world in which the rules of hospitality protect only the males. It is quite acceptable to offer females as sacrifices in dealing with conflicts among males.[14] Others have focused on the common motif of homosexual rape. Such action is viewed as an aggressive form of inhospitality, the epitome of disorderly and destructive antisocial behavior.[15] If these texts are concerned primarily with such issues, then the portrayal of Sodom as an inhospitable community reminiscent of Gibeah is reasonable. After all, for the Israelites of the Iron Age the city itself was no more than a faint memory. To bring vividness and life to the traditions of the patriarchs by means of familiar analogies from one’s own experience is a clever rhetorical strategy. However, we have hardly done justice to these and other passages like them if we have treated them merely as case studies for sociological investigation. The messages of both Genesis and Judges are primarily theological, and texts like these should be treated in the light of the larger theological issues that exercise the authors’ minds.

Within the context of the patriarchal narratives, Genesis 19 serves several functions. It is tied to the foregoing by the participation of the מלאכים (19:1). Although Lot gives no evidence of having recognized their status, these are two of the trio of heavenly visitors who had appeared to Abraham and Sarah in the previous chapter to announce the fulfillment of the promise of a son. What is high in the author’s mind in chap. 18 is the portraiture of Abraham. After this announcement, while these two had gone on to Sodom, Abraham and the third (referred to as Yahweh) had remained behind conferring on the hill overlooking the cities of the valley. In a rare glimpse of Abraham, “the friend of God,” being admitted to the secrets of the divine mind, Yahweh had disclosed to him that he was about to destroy Sodom and Gomorra, for their outcry was great and their sin exceedingly grave (18:20). In v. 21 he announced that he was going down to determine whether the behavior of the cities corresponded to the outcry that had reached his ears. While Abraham pleads for mercy from “The Judge of all the Earth” (v. 25), the pair of מלאכים visit Sodom on Yahweh’s behalf. What they experience confirms beyond all doubt the justice of the divine judgment of which Abraham has been apprised.

Second, the story presents a portraiture of Lot. However, the concern is not with the man for his own sake. Although he represents a byline to the chosen family, because of his connections with the Abrahamic house he is a benefactor of the divine blessing upon his uncle. In spite of the fact that the process of integration into the Sodomite community has begun,[16] Yahweh cannot abandon him. The comment in 19:29, “God remembered Abraham and sent Lot out of the midst of the overthrow,” is not frivolous. In fact, as the aetiological sequel indicated, the promise that Abraham should become the father of many nations rubs off on him, inasmuch as he becomes the ancestor of the Moabites and the Ammonites.

If Genesis 19 is patterned after Judges 19, then the story of the outrage at Gibeah should have some bearing on the patriarchal account. Is Gibeah afforded archetypal status by serving as a model for the Sodom story?[17] It is difficult to imagine why Sodom should have been depicted as an ancient day Gibeah. Nothing about this small Israelite settlement of the days of the judges commends itself to such utilization.

On the other hand, the author of Judges has ample reason to incorporate a well-known story from the patriarchal traditions into his literary portrait of his own nation. In the “book of saviors” (2:6–16:31) entree into the world of the late second millennium BC is gained to a large extent through the personalities that shaped and reflected Israelite society. The individuals that hold the office of judge are painted with bold and colorful strokes and emerge from the canvas almost bigger than life. The “first appendix” (17:1–18:31) is in certain senses transitional. On the other hand, the interest continues in the Danite tribe, from whom Samson had come. At a literary level, the primary actor in the narrative is presented as an equally colorful person, with his own name and his own personal struggles. However, the shift to a broader interest has already begun. The events that transpire reflect not only Israelite life at the personal level, but the spiritual and political condition of an entire tribe. Furthermore, the reader begins to get a glimpse of the state of the Levites during these dark days. By identifying the apostate priest simply as “a Levite,” our attention is drawn to the tribe that has been charged with the spiritual leadership of the nation.

This trend toward anonymity continues in the final chapters. In fact, in the events leading up to and surrounding the Benjamite crisis the only person named is the relatively insignificant Phinehas, who is functioning as priest at Shiloh (20:28). The events of chap. 19 concern individuals, to be sure, but the principal character is simply “a Levite staying in the remote part of the hill country of Ephraim” (19:1). The following scenes involve “his concubine,” “her husband,” “her father,” “his father-in-law,” “his son-in-law.” In vv. 10–15 the party of travelers consists of the master, the concubine, and a servant. In vv. 16–24 the host is described but not named: he is an old man from the hill country of Ephraim staying at Gibeah, the owner of his house. These individuals are presented as real persons, but they are faceless and nameless.

The author’s interest clearly lies beyond the cast of characters involved in the plot. In a narrative filled with ironical touches, the key statement is undoubtedly the comment of the Levite, “We will not turn aside into the city of foreigners [Jebus] who are not of the sons of Israel; but we will go on as far as Gibeah” (v. 12). The reasons for hesitating to stop overnight in Jebus are obvious: the Jebusites represented one of the Canaanite tribes against whom the Israelites had once declared holy war. No welcome was to be expected there. On the other hand, Gibeah, just a few miles down the road, was an Israelite village. There the Levite and his party should find a welcome.

Initially it appears that the primary defect of the people of Gibeah is their inhospitality. While the old man’s warning to the party not to spend the night in the open square has an ominous ring for those who know the outcome of the story, the reader is led not to expect anything more serious. In fact, this impression is sustained by the author’s careful attention to detail when the host’s acts of hospitality are described. While they are enjoying one another’s company the real world crashes in on them.

By patterning the following climactic scene after Genesis 19, the narrator serves notice that, whereas the travelers had thought they had come home to the safety of their countrymen, they have actually arrived in Sodom. The nation has come full circle. The Canaanization of Israelite society is complete. When the Israelites look in a mirror, what they see is a nation which, even if ethnically distinct from the natives, is indistinguishable from them with regard to morality, ethics, and social values. They have sunk to the level of those nations whom they were to destroy and on whom the judgment of God hangs. The transformation that comes over the Levite in the process should not go unnoticed.[18] In attempting to defend his household against the rapists in 19:23–24, he had assumed the role of a judge after the order of Lot (Gen 19:9). However, the sequel casts him as a successor to the savior judges, rallying the nation to a massive attack against the enemy. But once this goal has been achieved he disappears from view and the image of the nation that we had seen at the beginning of the book returns. Now the responsibility for punishing one of their own tribes must fall on the nation as a whole. The holy war which should have been waged against the foreign enemy must now be conducted internally.

That the narrator has been intentional in bringing the reader full circle from the beginning of the book is evident in the literary shape of the account. Judg 20:18–19 is almost a verbatim quotation of 1:1–2. As in the opening scene the sons of Israel inquire of Yahweh who is to initiate the attack against the Benjamites. Once again the lot falls to Judah.

Viewed in this light, the final unit (chaps. 19–21) takes on an entirely new significance. This is not merely a late addition to the “Deuteronomistic” edition of the book, added along with chap. 1 to form a tragic-comic framework.[19] This is the climax of the book. With the portrayal of Gibeah as Sodom revisited, and the Benjamites as a Canaanite tribe under the law of ḥerem, the drama of the dark days of the judges has reached a fever pitch.

IV. The Canaanization of Israel as the Unifying Theme of Judges

Increasingly scholars are recognizing that the book of Judges represents a self-contained unitary literary composition.[20] To be sure, the underlying theology is clearly Deuteronomic, and the style and diction display many affinities with other parts of the so-called “Deuteronomistic History.”[21] However, more often than not, the course of events and the nature of divine activity in the book fly in the face of the standard Deuteronomic formula: Obedience brings blessing; disobedience brings on the curse. With few exceptions, God operates in mercy, not by immutable formulae chiseled in stone.[22] Furthermore, the distinctive structuring and the meshing of common motifs and themes in the various accounts point to deliberate planning. Each of the identifiable segments of the book contributes to the theme of the Canaanization of Israelite society in the period immediately following the conquest under Joshua.

1. The Prologue (1:1-2:5)

The Prologue sets the stage for the plot to be unfolded by describing political conditions in Israel in the era immediately following the death of Joshua. The tone of the annalistic 1:1–36 is relatively secular, in comparison to the rest of the book. But the seeds of future problems are laid in the survey of tribal fortunes. The dominant impression left by this section is the contrast between the tribes of Judah and Joseph who experience the presence of Yahweh, on the one hand, and the remaining tribes, on the other hand, who refuse to or are incapable of eliminating the Canaanites. Even if they enslaved the natives, 2:1–5 makes it clear that this was a violation of the covenant (cf. Deut 7:1–5).

2. The Introduction to the Book of Deliverers (2:6-3:6)

The narrator’s agenda is spelled out in this thesis statement for the actual “book of judges” to follow. The spiritual malaise that set in after the death of the generation that had witnessed the mighty saving acts of Yahweh is sketched in bold strokes. Without a clear memory of Yahweh’s claims upon them, the Israelites quickly apostasized, turning to the gods of the Canaanites around them. The narrator’s interests here are several: (1) the cyclical nature of historical events in Israel; (2) the rapidity with which the spiritual rot set in (2:10); (3) the progressively deteriorating condition of the nation with each succeeding cycle (2:17–19); (4) the causes of the problem: failure to retain a vital memory of Yahweh’s salvific deeds (2:6–10; 3:7), and intermarriage with the Canaanites (3:6). This thesis statement establishes the primarily religious focus of the narratives that follow. The Canaanization of Israelite society is essentially a spiritual issue.

3. The Introductions to the Deliverer Cycles (3:7, 12; 4:1; 6:1; 10:6; 13:1)

The concern with the fundamentally religious problem of the era is maintained with the prefatory comment before each of the deliverer cycles, “Now the sons of Israel did evil in the sight of Yahweh.” These evaluations serve to tie the separate accounts together and to unite the whole “book of deliverers.“

4. The Accounts of the Judges (3:7-16:21)

Although all of the accounts of the judges follow a basic literary framework, each one focuses on a different aspect of the role of the deliverer judges in Israel. It is clear from 10:1–5 and 12:8–15 that the narrator is aware of the incompleteness of his account. He has carefully selected stories of the judges that will help him develop his thesis. But with each of the judgeships a further deterioration in the social and religious climate is evident.

The account of Othniel (3:7–11) is paradigmatic, emphasizing the divine role in the deliverance from Cushan-Rishathaim. The story of Ehud (3:12–30) focuses on the clever strategy of the deliverer. Although the editor makes no moralizing comment on Ehud’s behavior, his treachery and brutality seem to be of a piece with Canaanite patterns. Shamgar (3:31) is an enigma. The brevity of the statement suggests a certain embarrassment on the part of the author that the nation has had to turn to non-Israelites for help. Deborah (4:1–5:31) is the exception that proves the rule. But she is not a savior-judge like the rest; she is a prophetess, actively serving Yahweh prior to her involvement in the call of Barak to bring about deliverance. The feminist motif is intentional,[23] highlighting the abnormal conditions within the nation. Barak is weak-willed and indecisive. Leadership from the men is simply not forthcoming.

A great deal of space is devoted to Gideon (6:1–8:35). Through the accounts of his experiences the author provides a direct glimpse into the homes and villages of Israel. What he sees there is not an encouraging sight Altars of Baal are found in peoples’ backyards, and when they are torn down the townsfolk rally on the side of the Canaanite god. Gideon himself is characterized as lacking in faith, needing a series of signs before he finally enters into the battle with the Midianites. After the victory has been won, he ostensibly rejects the offer of a hereditary kingship, with the pious comment, “Let Yahweh rule [משל].” But it is clear that in the narrator’s mind this rejection was not taken seriously. From 8:4 onward he has been acting more and more like a king, exercising despotic ruthlessness over his subjects and letting personal agendas eclipse national and tribal interests. After his apparent (but sham) refusal of the hereditary monarchy his actions are clearly those of oriental monarchs: he claims the bulk of the war spoils, he dons purple robes, he establishes an aberrant national cult center, he acquires a large harem, and calls his son Abimelek (“My Father is King”). This is the real Gideon, the man who has no scruples about idolatry, nor about marrying Shechemites. The sequel, the story of Abimelek’s abortive attempt at establishing himself as king in Shechem, reads like a page out of a Canaanite history notebook.

Jephthah is a tragic figure. In the first place he is a victim of a Canaanite style environment, a son of a harlot rejected by his own family and forced to live the life of a brigand. When called upon to lead his people, he is not above seizing the opportunity for personal political advantage. Ultimately, however, Jephthah becomes a victim of his own word. His rash vow sounds like the kind of bargains that Canaanites struck with their gods to ensure their favor.[24] While the text stresses the personal distress the fulfillment of the vow caused him, he may well have viewed this as the supreme demonstration of his piety.

Samson embodies everything that is wrong with Israel.[25] As a Nazirite, he fritters away his calling and divinely given talent, using it essentially for personal selfish ends. Everything about him seems to be wrong: he marries a Philistine in deliberate defiance of his parents; he toys with the enemy from whom he is to bring deliverance; he has affairs with a Philistine harlot and with Delilah. Even his final appeal for divine aid appears to arise out of purely personal concerns (16:28; cf. 15:18). Popular opinion to the contrary, the statement that he accomplished more in his death than in his life is hardly complimentary.

It is important that to the narrator the judges were for the most part a part of Israel’s problem rather than a solution. Their lives illustrated the Canaanization of Israelite society at every level. Not one of them rises to challenge the trend. When this occurs it is done through a messenger מלאך, 2:1–5), a prophet (נביא, 6:7–10), or directly by Yahweh himself (10:10–16). The judges dealt with the symptoms of the spiritual malaise, but there is no evidence in the book that any of them ever addressed the underlying causes (cf. Samuel in 1 Sam 7). If anything positive happened in the book it tended to happen in spite of the judges, rather than because of them. Even the arresting of the judge by the spirit of Yahweh is anomalous. Where people are not predisposed to assume leadership, Yahweh must conscript them.

5. Micah and the Danites (17:1-18:31)

This story illustrates many Canaanite features in Israelite life: (1) the loss of personal integrity in the Ephraimite household (17:1–3); (2) the establishment of private cults antithetical to Yahwism (17:4–5); (3) the shiftlessness and opportunism of the Levitical priesthood (17:7–13; 18:20); (4) the glibness with which they performed their duties (18:5–6); (5) the unscrupulous exploitation of their countrymen by the Danites (18:17–20); (6) the centrifugal tendency of the tribes to operate independently in religious affairs (18:27–31).

V. Conclusion

All of this sets the stage for the final climactic scene in the drama. The Israelites are not only acting like Canaanites; to the narrator that is exactly what they are: apostate and standing under the judgment of God. The response of the Israelites to the brutal dismemberment of the concubine in 19:30 is the appeal of the narrator to his readers: “Consider it! Take counsel!

Speak up!” In the final episodes the degeneracy of the nation is attributed to the lack of a central authority and the individualization of society, an anarchy in which each man has become the standard of his own morality (17:6; 21:25). No one, not even Yahweh, is king in this land. The primary covenant stipulations have all been forgotten; virtually every one of the principles preserved in the Decalogue has been violated.

The spiritual condition of the people inhabiting the land of Canaan at the end of the settlement period is the same as it had been at the beginning. It had made no difference that a new group of people now occupies the land. In painting this picture the interests of the narrator are clear. His primary concern has not been to trace Israel’s political evolution, but to recount her spiritual devolution. In exposing the total Canaanization of Israelite society he calls on all who are appalled at these trends in his own time to consider and to speak up. In so doing, his fearless pen has earned this anonymous literary craftsman his rightful place among “the former prophets” of Israel.

Notes

  1. There are two accounts of creation (Gen 1:1–2:4a; 2:4b–25); thrice a patriarch passes off his wife as his sister (Gen 12:10–20; 20; 26:1–11); twice Beersheba is named, commemorative of a covenant between a patriarch and Abimelek (Gen 21:22–31; 26:26–33); twice Hagar flees into the desert (Gen 16; 21:9–21); two decalogues are given (Exod 20:1–17; 34:10–28); etc.
  2. Robert Alter, The Art of Biblical Narrative (New York: Basic Books, 1981) 47-62. Alter acknowledges the influence of Robert C. Culley, Studies in the Structure of Hebrew Narrative (Semeia Supplements; Philadelphia: Fortress Press and Missoula, MT: Scholars Press, 1976).
  3. David M. Gunn. “Narrative Patterns and Oral Tradition in Judges and Samuel,” VT 24 (1974) 286-317.
  4. Julius Wellhausen, Prolegomena to the History of Ancient Israel (New York: Meridian, 1957) 235-37, dismissed Judges 19 as an imitation of Genesis 19, devoid of any positive value.
  5. So George F. Moore, A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on Judges (ICC; Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark, 1895) 417-19; C. F. Burney, The Book of Judges: With Introduction and Notes (1918; repr. New York: KTAV, 1970) 444-45; Hans W. Hertzberg, Die Bücher Josua, Richter, Ruth (ATD; 4th ed.; Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1969) 252; C. J. Goslinga, Joshua, Judges, Ruth (Bible Student’s Commentary; Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1986) 480; J. Alberto Soggin, Judges: A Commentary (OTL; Philadelphia: Westminster, 1981) 282-83; Culley, Studies, 56–59; Gunn, “Narrative Patterns,” 294 n. 1; John Gray, Joshua, Judges and Ruth (NCB; Greenwood, S.C.: Attic Press, 1967) 240. A van den Born, “Etude sur quelques toponymes bibliques,” OTS 10 (1954) 210, speaks of “un pastiche de l’histoire de Sodome.”
  6. “The ‘Sodomite’ Theme in Judges 19–20: Family, Community, and Social Disintegration,” CBQ 44 (1982) 365-78.
  7. Cf. ויעש משתה, “and he prepared a banquet,” in Gen 19:3; and וישתו, “and they drank,” in Judg 19:21.
  8. “The ‘Sodomite’ Theme in Judges 19–20, ” 375.
  9. Cf. the more general charts of Burney (Judges, 444–45) and Culley (Studies, 56–67).
  10. This agrees with the definition of בתולה as “one who has never had intercourse” reflected in Gen 24:16; Lev 21:3; Judg 21:12.
  11. Cf. A. E. Cundall, “Judges—An Apology for the Monarchy?” ExpTim 81 (1969–70) 178–81; R. K. Harrison, Introduction to the Old Testament (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1969) 692. Recently W. J. Dumbrell (“‘In Those Days There Was No King in Israel; Every Man Did What Was Right in His Own Eyes’: The Purpose of the Book of Judges Reconsidered,” JSOT 25 [1983] 23-33) has taken the opposite stance. He argues for an antimonarchic polemic in the book. The exilic author is calling for a return to direct theocratic reign, freed from the encumbrances of human institutions, particularly the bureaucratic monarchy. While his view has much to commend it, Dumbrell continues to be preoccupied with the symptoms of Israel’s malaise (the failure of political structures), rather than the cause (the internal spiritual corruption).
  12. M. Güdemann, “Tendenz und Abfassungszeit der letzten Kapitel des Buches der Richter,” MGWJ 18 (1869) 357-58, though Judges 19 is viewed as dependent upon Genesis 19. For more recent proponents of this interpretation see B. Luria, “ParsaŽ̆t pileges̆ bĕgibʿa,” in ʿdyyunim bĕseper s̆opĕtim (1966) 463-94, as cited by J. Untermann, “The Literary Influence of ‘The Binding of Isaac’ (Genesis 22) on ‘The Outrage at Gibeah’ (Judges 19),” HAR 4 (1980) 161n.
  13. Cf. Ronald E. Clements, Abraham and David: Genesis 15 and Its Meaning for Israelite Tradition (SBT 2/5; London: SCM, 1967).
  14. See particularly Phyllis Trible, Texts of Terror: Literary-Feminist Readings of Biblical Narratives (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1984) 65-91. Cf. also the comment of D. N. Fewell, “Stories like the rape and dismemberment of the Levite’s concubine in Judges 19 and the sacrifice of Jephthah’s daughter in Judges 11 show the darkest side of patriarchy yet—the torture and murder of the most vulnerable and innocent for the sake of male honor and pompous religiosity” (“Feminist Reading of the Hebrew Bible: Affirmation, Resistance and Transformation,” JSOT 39 [1987] 84).
  15. Niditch, “The ‘Sodomite’ Theme in Judges 19–20, ” 367–69.
  16. On the significance of the marriage of his daughters to men of Sodom see Gen 34:9–10, 16.
  17. Cf. Culley, Studies, 59.
  18. Cf. Robert G. Boling, Judges: Introduction, Translation and Commentary (AB 6A; Garden City: Doubleday, 1975) 279.
  19. Cf. ibid., 29–38.
  20. For unitary interpretations of the book see Barry G. Webb, The Book of Judges: An Integrated Reading (JSOTSup 46; Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1987); J. P. U. Lilley, “A Literary Appreciation of the Book of Judges,” TynBul 18 (1967) 94-102; K. R. R. Gros Louis, “The Book of Judges,” Literary Interpretations of Biblical Narratives (eds. K. R. R. Gros Louis et al.; Nashville: Abingdon, 1974) 141-62; Robert Polzin, Moses and the Deuteronomist: A Literary Study of the Deuteronomic History, Part 1: Deuteronomy, Joshua, Judges (New York: Seabury, 1980); D. W. Gooding, “The Composition of the Book of Judges,” in H. M. Orlinsky Volume (ErIsr 16; ed. B. A. Levine and A. Malamat; Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society, 1982) 70-79. Cf. also D. M. Gunn, “Joshua and Judges,” in The Literary Guide to the Bible (ea. R. Alter and F. Kermode; Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1987) 103-7.
  21. For the seminal work on the concept see Martin Noth, the Deuteronomistic History (JSOTSup 15; Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1981).
  22. Cf. Polzin, Moses and the Deuteronomist, 146–204.
  23. Cf. B. Lindars, “Deborah’s Song: Women in the Old Testament,” BJRL 65 (1983) 158-75.
  24. Cf. the Punic inscriptions in KAI 79, 104, 108. Also L. E. Stager and S. R. Wolff, “Child Sacrifices at Carthage: Religious Rite or Population Control?” BAR 18 (1984) 31-51.
  25. For an excellent discussion of the role of the Samson stories in the book see Webb, The Book of Judges, 162–79.

Preaching Old Testament Law to New Testament Christians

By Daniel I. Block [1]

[Wheaton College]

Introduction

I am keenly aware that in proposing to address this subject I have guaranteed for myself a limited hearing. There are many reasons why there is little interest in preaching Old Testament law in our churches, whether they are mainline protestant, or charismatic, or fundamentalist, or generic evangelical. This aversion toward Old Testament law arises from a series of “mythconceptions” concerning the law. First, we are deluded by the ritualistic myth, that is, that Old Testament law is pre-occupied with boring ritualistic trivia, declared to be obsolete with Christ’s final sacrifice on the cross. Second, we are driven away by the historical myth, that is, that Old Testament law concerns the times and cultural context of nations so far removed from our own that, unless one has purely academic or antiquarian interests, what it has to say about the human condition is hopelessly out of date. Third, we are repelled by the ethical myth. The OT law reflects a standard of ethics that is rejected as grossly inferior to the law of love announced by Jesus and the high stock placed on tolerance in our enlightened age. Fourth, we are confused by the literary myth, that is, that the Old Testament laws are written in literary forms that are so different from modern literature that we cannot understand them. Fifth, we are indoctrinated by the theological myth, that is, that Old Testament law presents a view of God that is utterly objectionable to modern sensitivities. So long as these “mythconceptions” determine the disposition of preachers and pastors toward Old Testament law there is little hope that they will pay much attention to those parts of the Old Testament that we refer to as Israel’s constitutional literature.

Contributing to these “mythconceptions” are fundamental ideological and theological prejudices against Old Testament law. The essentially antinomian stance of contemporary western culture may represent the most important factor, especially in our post-Christian and increasingly secular culture. But these will hardly explain why within the church the law has had such a bad rap for such a long time. The roots of the aversion to Old Testament law within the church may be traced back almost 2000 years to the second century heretic Marcion. Marcion proclaimed a radical discontinuity between Old and New Testaments, Israel and the church, the God of the Old Testament and the God of the New. In his canon he rejected all of the Old Testament and accepted only those New Testament books that highlighted the discontinuity of the church from Israel, which left him with radically edited versions only of the Gospel of Luke and ten Pauline epistles (minus the pastorals and Hebrews). This is not so different from American evangelical Christianity, which bears a distinctly Pauline stamp (cf. the Eastern Church), and hears only Paul’s criticism of Old Testament law.

In western Protestantism we observe two traditional specific streams of antipathy toward Old Testament law. The first is associated with Lutheranism, with its fundamental law-gospel contrast. In his epochal discovery of the Gospel of Grace in the course of his study of Romans, Luther came to identify the ritualism and works-oriented approach to salvation of Roman Catholicism with the Old Testament law. But in Christ believers are declared to be free from the law! The grace of the gospel in Christ has replaced the bondage of the law under Moses. The second is associated with extreme forms of dispensationalism. In its division of human history into seven dispensations, a radical change in the divine economy is seen to have occurred in the transition from the Old to the New Testament. We are now in the church age, which is fundamentally the dispensation of grace, in contrast to the age of Israel, ruled by the dispensation of law. To these two traditional sources of the problem of Old Testament law within American evangelical Christianity we must now add a third, more recent development, namely the influence of New Covenant Theology. This movement, which has its roots in Reformed theology but exhibits a radically different view toward the Old Testament than Calvin himself did, insists that since the “Mosaic Covenant” [sic][2] has come to an end in Christ, it has no claim on Christians. We are subject only to the law of Christ.[3] This dichotomy is remarkable, especially in the face of the New Testament’s repeated and emphatic identification of Jesus Christ with YHWH.

Consequently, if one hears preaching from Old Testament law at all (which is rare!), the preaching tends to take one of three approaches.[4] First, since through his atoning work Jesus Christ has abolished the law as a way of life, Old Testament law has no bearing on the Christian at all. In fact, the blessed gospel of grace liberates us from the curse of the law.[5] Second, interpreting the word τέλος in Rom. 10:4 as the “fulfillment” rather than the “end” of the law, Jesus Christ is seen as the culminative fruit of Old Testament law, and since his righteousness is imputed to us, we are not under obligation to any external code. Third, since the Ten Commandments and some of the ethical injunctions of the Torah are thought to have some binding force on Christians, the operative question with respect to Old Testament law is “Do I have to keep this law?” Careful attention is paid to distinguishing among the ceremonial, civil and moral laws. A fourth theonomist option, which views the Old Testament law fundamentally to be in force even for the church, receives scant attention these days.

So long as the first three perspectives determine the relationship of Old Testament law to New Testament Christians we can hardly expect to hear much preaching from the law. But how Christians can tolerate this antinomian stance remains a mystery to me, especially in the light of Jesus’ own statements that he came not to abolish the law, but to fulfill it, and his own declarations of its permanent validity (Matt. 5:17–20); in the light of his declaration that love for him is demonstrated first and foremost by keeping his commands (John 14:15; cf. 15:10); and Paul’s assertion that “It is not the hearers of the law who are righteous before God, but the doers of the law who will be justified” (Rom. 2:13).

“All Scripture is breathed out by God and profitable for teaching, for reproof, for correction, and for training in righteousness, that the person of God may be competent, equipped for every good work” (2 Tim. 3:16–17). Does this statement really mean that “While believers were not obliged to carry out all the demands of the Mosaic law, they could nevertheless draw from the O[ld] T[estament], read paradigmatically, lessons for Christian living.”[6] They “could” draw lessons? Does it have no more moral force than an invitation to read it as an optional sourcebook for optional lessons? Should C. G. Kruse not have said at least, “they should nevertheless draw from the O[ld] T[estament], read paradigmatically, lessons for Christian living”? In order to move beyond this typical trivializing of the Old Testament we probably need to take a closer look at Old Testament law, particularly as the Old Testament law presents itself. I propose to do so under four headings:

A. The Designations for “Law” in the Old Testament 

B. The Literary Contexts of Laws in the Old Testament 

C. The Significance of the Laws of the Old Testament for Old Testament Saints 

D. The Significance of the Laws of the Old Testament for New Testament Saints

I will conclude with some reflections on the implications of these observations for our preaching today.

A. The Designations for “Law” in the Old Testament

The Old Testament uses a series of expressions to refer to the laws of God. Perhaps the most explicit is the term מִצְוָה, “command,” from the verb צִוָּה, “to command.” But the term “command” should not be construed as synonymous with “law.” In day to day life we often give orders that need to be carried out immediately or in a given circumstance, but this is not the same as an ordinance by which our church or company must operate until further ordinances are handed down.

The laws in the Pentateuch are often referred to by the standardized word pair חֻקִּים וּמִשְׁפָּטִים, often translated “ordinances/ordinances and judgments.” On etymological grounds one may surmise that the former expression, singular חֹק, “ordinance,” derives from a root חָקַק, “to inscribe, incise,” and refers to “inscribed” laws, that is laws that have been prescribed by a superior and recorded by incising a clay tablet with a reed stylus, or a wax-covered writing board with a metal stylus, or even a stone with a chisel. The form of the second expression, מִשְׁפָּטִים, “laws” (literally, “judgments”) apparently originates in case law. Judgments previously made in judicial contexts become laws in a prescriptive sense. When originating with YHWH they represents his “judgments” concerning Israel’s conduct in the pursuit of righteousness (צְדָקָה). While some have argued that חֻקִּים relate primarily to religious regulations and מִשְׁפָּטִים to civil law,[7] within the book of Deuteronomy at least these distinctions cannot be maintained.

To this list we should also add פִּקּוּד (pl. פִּקּוּדִים), “obligation, regulation, procedure,” from פָּקַד, “to muster, commission,” which occurs twenty-four times in the Psalms.[8] A fifth expression is הָעֵדֹת, “the stipulations.” Based on the assumption of a derivation from the same root as עֵד¸ “testimony,” the New International Version follows the traditional rendering of the word with “testimonies.”[9] However, since we usually think of “testimony” as the utterance of a witness in a court of law or some less formal context in which a particular event is being debated or discussed, this interpretation is misleading.[10] It is true that in the case of a person who had sworn an oath to keep an agreement but was being brought to court for violating it, the written document could certainly be produced as a standard against which to measure his behavior, hence to serve as a witness. However the possibility of an etymological link with the Akkadian word for “covenant/treaty” and “loyalty oath,”[11] strengthens the case for interpreting עֵדֹת (plural of עֵדוּת) as a general designation for the stipulations of the covenant. This interpretation is confirmed in Deut. 4:45, which clarifies the sense of הָעֵדֹת, “the stipulations,” by adding הַחֻקִּים וְהַמִּשְׁפָּטִים, “ordinances and laws.”[12] The fact that all these expressions have the article suggests a specific and identifiable body of laws is in mind. In accordance with our conclusions regarding the significance of הַחֻקִּים וְהַמִּשְׁפָּטִים, “ordinances and laws,” stated earlier, the covenant stipulations refers to the specific body/bodies of prescriptions revealed by YHWH through Moses at Sinai, and periodically prior to the present addresses (cf. Num. 36:13), an interpretation supported by the addition of “when they came out of Egypt.”

These five words do indeed often refer to the specific laws and regulations prescribed by YHWH at Sinai and elsewhere. While the expressions above tend to be associated with specific kinds of laws, the expression most often associated with “law” itself is תּוֹרָה. The noun תּוֹרָה derives from the verb הוֹרָה, “to teach.”[13] On occasion תּוֹרָה may be legitimately translated as “law.” However, its every day meaning is illustrated by the book of Proverbs, which applies the term to the instruction that the wise provide for the community (13:14), parents provide for children (1:8 [mother]; 4:1–11), and the woman of the household to those under her influence (31:26). Its theological meaning is illustrated most clearly by the book of Deuteronomy, which, contrary to the Greek (and English) name of the book (δευτερονόμιον, “second law”), does not present itself as “law,” but as a series of pastoral addresses (Deut. 1:1–5; 4:40). Admittedly Moses repeats and adapts many of the ordinances previously prescribed by YHWH, but the first eleven and the last nine chapters contain little that we would classify as “law” in a legal sense, and even the so-called “Deuteronomic Code” (chaps. 16–26) has a predominantly pastoral and didactic (rather than legal) flavor. In fact, in the book of Deuteronomy the semantic range of תּוֹרָה, tôrâ, is much better captured in Greek by didaskalia or didachē, rather than nomos as the Septuagint renders the term in 202 of 220 occurrences.[14]

This conclusion regarding the meaning of תּוֹרָה, tôrâ, is confirmed when we observe how easily its scope was extended to the rest of the Pentateuch, despite the fact that at least two-thirds of Genesis–Numbers is narrative, that is, the story of the YHWH’s grace in election, salvation, and providential care for Israel, and his establishment of his covenant first with Abraham and then with the patriarch’s descendants at Sinai. When the psalmist declares that the godly delight in the תּוֹרָה of YHWH (Ps. 1:2), surely he did not have in mind only the laws of Sinai, for apart from the surrounding narrative the laws provide no occasion for joy.

B. The Literary Contexts of Laws in the Old Testament

Before we preach from Old Testament law we need to remind ourselves that there is law in the Old Testament and there is law. Since the groundbreaking work of Albrecht Alt,[15] many scholars have recognized two major types of laws:[16] laws in the conditional form dealing with specific cases, and laws in the unconditional form. The former typically involve a protasis introduced with “When/If” (Hebrew כִּי, or אִם in subordinate cases) describing a specific circumstance, followed by an apodosis outlining the required response. These may be cast in third person (“If a person . . .”) or second person (“If you . . .”). The latter are typically cast as direct commands in the second person, though third person jussives are not uncommon. Apodictic laws subdivide further into positive prescriptions (“Honor your father and mother”), or negative prohibitions (“You shall not murder”). The differences between the two types are obvious when specific examples are juxtaposed as in the following synopsis:

Table 1: A Comparison of Conditional and Unconditional Law

Conditional Law

Unconditional Law

Exodus 21:28

If an ox gores a man or woman to death, the ox shall surely be stoned and its flesh shall not be eaten; but the owner of the ox shall go unpunished.

Exodus 20:3

You shall have no other gods before me.


Exodus 22:26–27

If you ever take your neighbor’s cloak as a pledge, you are to return it to him before the sun sets, for that is his only covering; it is his cloak for his body. What else shall he sleep in?

Exodus 20:16

You shall not bear false witness against your neighbor.

Features

Features

Conditional

Unconditional

Declarative mood

Imperative mood

In third (or second) person

In second person

Specific: based on actual cases, often with motive or exception clauses

General: without qualification or exception

Usually positive in form

Often negative in form

Begin with “If” or “When”

Begin with the verb (in the imperative)

The Pentateuch contains a great deal of prescriptive material through which YHWH sought to govern every aspect of the Israelites’ lives. Maimonides, a twelfth century Jewish rabbi and philosopher, established that the number of commandments scattered throughout the Pentateuch numbered 613.[17]

Beyond recognizing the basic formal differences between individual laws, preachers do well also to recognize the differences among the series of specific documents within the Pentateuch that might qualify as law. These may be grouped in two classifications. On the one hand we note the focused instructions, usually involving cultic and liturgical matters: “Instructions Concerning the Passover” (Exodus 12–13), “Instructions Concerning the Tabernacle” (Exodus 25–31), “Instructions Concerning Sacrifice” (Leviticus 1–7). On the other hand, we note the collections of ordinances and regulations governing a wide range of human activity: the Decalogue (Exod. 20:2–17; Deut. 5:6–21), the “Book of the Covenant” (סֵפֶר הַבְּרִית, Exod. 20:22—23:19, cf. 24:7), the “Instructions on Holiness” (Leviticus 17–26),[18] and the so–called “Deuteronomic Torah” (Deuteronomy 12–26, 28). Although these documents all represent collections of prescriptions whose scope covers all of life, each has its own distinctive flavor.

1. The Decalogue

In both Exodus 20 and Deuteronomy 5 the Decalogue is presented as the only speech of YHWH addressed directly to the Israelites. Contrary to modern practice, the Scriptures never refer to the Decalogue as the “Ten Commandments.” The genre of the document is identified in both contexts as “all these words” (כָּל־הַדְּבָרִים הָאֵלֶּה, Exod. 20:1; Deut. 5:22) that YHWH “spoke” (דִּבֶּר), rather than “these commandments” that YHWH “commanded.” In fact, whenever this document is identified by title it is always referred to as “the Ten Words” (עֲשֶׂרֶת הַדְּבָרִים, Exod 34:28; Deut 4:13; 10:4), and never “the Ten Commandments.” At this point we would do well to follow the Septuagint in referring to this document as the Decalogue (δέκα λόγοις, literally “Ten Words”), or, since the Hebrew word דָּבָר is capable of a broad range of meaning, “the Ten Principles” of covenant relationship. That this document is perceived as the foundational written record of YHWH’s covenant with Israel is demonstrated not only in the fact that two copies (one for each party) of this document alone were stored in the “ark of the covenant of YHWH” (אֲרוֹן בְּרִית־יְהוָה, Deut. 10:1–5), but also Moses’ explicit reference to this document as “his covenant” (בְּרִיתוֹ, Deut. 4:13). The structure of the narratives introducing the Decalogue reinforces the covenantal nature of the Decalogue. Indeed in both Exodus and Deuteronomy it is cast in the pattern of an ancient Near Eastern suzerainty treaty:

(a) The Preamble (Exod. 20:1; Deut. 5:1–5) sets the stage for the document.

(b) The Historical Prologue (Exod. 20:2; Deut. 5:6) introduces the divine Suzerain and summarizes the history of the relationship of the parties to the covenant to this point: “I am YHWH your God who brought you out of the land of Egypt, out of the house of slavery.”

(c) The Covenant Principles (Exod. 20:3–17; Deut. 5:7–21) specify the fundamental obligations placed upon the human vassal. The Principles of Covenant Relationship were reduced to ten presumably to facilitate commitment to memory and to match the number of fingers on our hands. Their unconditional form invests them with an absolutist flavor. Inasmuch as the terms of the Decalogue are addressed to potential perpetrators of offences it may be interpreted as ancient Israel’s version of the “Bill of Rights.” However, unlike modern Bills of Rights, the Decalogue is not concerned to protect my rights but the rights of the next person. According to the arrangement of the stipulations of the Decalogue the next person involves two parties: YHWH, the divine Suzerain, and fellow members of the vassal community.[19] In fact, as Jesus and Paul recognized in their reduction of all the commandments to the command to love YHWH and one’s neighbor (Luke 10:27; Rom. 13:9), the objective of the Decalogue is encourage love for God and for one’s neighbor,[20] the kind of behavior that puts the interests of the next person ahead of one’s own.

(d) The Declaration of the People’s Response (Exod. 20:18–21; Deut. 5:22–33) reports the people’s acceptance of the document and a recognition of its revelatory significance. The latter text ends with a summary blessing as a reward for obedience (vv. 31–33), also common to ancient treaty forms.

2. The “Book of the Covenant” (Exod. 20:22—23:19)

Although the Decalogue obviously functioned as the official covenant document, this does not mean that it exhausted the terms of YHWH’s covenant. Indeed the other collections of laws may be interpreted as elaborations and practical explications of the Decalogue. The “Book of the Covenant,” encompassing Exod. 20:21—23:33 derives its name from Exod. 24:7, according to which, as part of the covenant ratification ceremony Moses took the סֵפֶר הַבְּרִית (literally, “written document of the covenant”) and read it in the hearing of all the people, precipitating their third declaration of “All that YHWH has spoken we will do.” Unlike the Decalogue, which is referred to as דְּבָרִים (“words”) declared directly by YHWH to the people, this document is formally introduced as מִשְׁפָּטִים (“judgments, regulations”) that Moses is to set before the people (Exod. 21:1). Furthermore, whereas the Decalogue consists entirely of unconditional statements in the second person, the Book of the Covenant consists largely of conditional statements in the third person. Taken as a whole the Book of the Covenant may be divided into six parts arranged in an artful chiastic order:

A Introduction (20:22, placing Israel’s response to covenant in the present context of divine revelation)

B Principles of Worship (20:23–26, highlighting Israel’s cultic expression of devotion to Yahweh)

C Casuistic Laws (21:1–22:20, highlighting Israel’s ethical expression of devotion to Yahweh)

C’ Apodictic Laws (22:21—23:9, highlighting Israel’s ethical expression of devotion to Yahweh)

B’ Principles of Worship (23:10–19, highlighting Israel’s cultic expression of devotion to Yahweh)

A’ Conclusion (23:20–33, placing Israel’s response to covenant in the future context of divine action)

Notice that prescriptions for Israel’s worship frame the prescriptions governing daily life. The purpose of worship is to inspire devotion to YHWH and to create an ethical community of faith. Worship and ethics are tightly linked.

3. The “Instructions on Holiness” (Leviticus 17–26)

What distinguishes this “Code” from other similar texts, such as the Book of the Covenant (Exod. 20:22—23:33), is its emphasis on holiness. First, YHWH identifies himself as the Holy one (קָדוֹשׁ, 19:2; 20:26; 21:8). Second, YHWH identifies himself as the one who makes Israel holy (קִדַּשׁ, “sanctifies them”, 20:8; 21:8, 15, 23; 22:9, 16, 32; cf. הִבְדִּיל, 20:24, 26). Third, Israel is challenged to “Sanctify yourselves” (הִתְקַדֶּשׁ, 20:7) and “Be holy” (קְדֹשִׁים תִּהְיוּ, 19:2; 20:7, 26 [to YHWH]; 21:6a, 6b [cf. 7, 8]). Fourth, many of the articles and persons discussed in this section are described as holy (קֹ֫דֶשׁ): YHWH’s name, 20:3; 22:3, 32; sacrificial food, 19:8; ordinary food 19:24; sacred bread, 21:22; 24:9; food dedicated to YHWH, 22:2–4, 6, 10, 14–16; convocations, 23:2–4, 7–8, 21, 24, 27, 35–37; a place (tabernacle), 24:9; a time (year of jubilee) 25:12). As for the content of this long section, it provides a summary catch-all of moral exhortations, cultic regulations, and legal prescriptions. What use was made of this “Holiness Code” in ancient Israel we may only speculate: D. N. Freedman suggests it may have served “as a catechism for some sanctuary school, or as a guide for priests and Levites in their work as teachers of the people.”[21] We may view this document as an exposition of the expressions “a kingdom of priests” and “holy nation” in Exod. 19:5.

That this is viewed as an exposition of the nature of Israel’s covenant relationship with YHWH is demonstrated by the eighteen-fold occurrence of YHWH’s self introduction as “I am YHWH your God,”[22] which represents an adaptation of the covenant formula, “I am your God and you are my people” (cf. 20:26; 26:12). Looking far ahead to the time when the Israelites will be settled in the land that YHWH has promised them, this document seeks to govern the life of the Israelites as YHWH’s vassals (עֲבָדִים, Lev. 25:42, 55) living in YHWH’s land (25:23). The covenantal nature of this document is affirmed by the addition of chapter 26. This chapter not only refers to the covenant six times,[23] but its presence here accords with the pattern of ancient Near Eastern Hittite treaties, which typically followed up the stipulations with declarations of blessings as a reward for obedience.[24]

4. The “Deuteronomic Torah” (Deuteronomy 12–26, 28)

It has become customary for scholars to refer to the long section of text encompassing Deuteronomy 12–26, 28 as the Deuteronomic Law Code. This seems justified on several grounds. First, it is formally framed by references to the laws of God:

Introduction: “These (אֵלֶּה) are the ordinances (הַחֻקִּים) and laws (הַמִּשְׁפָּטִים) that you shall keep (תִּשְׁמְרוּן) by doing (לַעֲשׂוֹת) [them] in the land that YHWH, the God of your fathers, has given you to possess, all the days that you live on the earth” (12:1).

Conclusion: “YHWH your God commands you this day to follow these (הָאֵלֶּה) ordinances (הַחֻקִּים) and the laws (הַמִּשְׁפָּטִים), and you shall keep (וְשָׁמַרְתָּ) and do (וְעָשִׂיתָ) them” (26:16).

Second, Moses repeatedly refers explicitly to “ordinances” (חֻקִּים),[25] “laws” (מִשְׁפָּטִים),[26] “command”/”commands” (הַמִּצְוָה/מִצְוֹת),[27] “instruction” (תּוֹרָה, usually rendered “law”),[28] and “covenant stipulations” (הָעֵדֹת, usually rendered “testimonies”), if one may refer back to 4:45, which functions as a heading for the second half of Moses’ second speech. Third, within this large block of material we do indeed find several series of regulations that have the appearance of legal lists, especially in chapters 22–25. Fourth, the types of issues dealt with in these chapters often correspond to those found in codes of law outside the Old Testament.[29]

Recently it has become fashionable to argue that Moses’ presentation of the covenant obligations in Deuteronomy 12–26 is structured after the Decalogue. Stephen Kaufman, for example, has argued that the Deuteronomic Code derives from a single redactor, who has organized the entire Code after the model provided by the Decalogue as a whole.[30] It is apparent throughout that Moses has the Principles of Covenant Relationship as outlined in the Decalogue in mind, but this system seems quite forced, and can be achieved only by resorting to extraordinary exegetical and redactional gymnastics.[31] Moses seems here to have been inspired by other aspects of the Sinai revelation as well. Although there are also strong links with Exod. 34:11–28,[32] Bernard Levinson argues more plausibly that the Deuteronomic Code represents a revision of the Covenant Code (Exodus 21–23).[33] The links are recognized not only in the details, but also in the broad structure of the text, as the synopsis in Table 2 illustrates:

Table 2: A Synopsis of the Structures of Exodus 20:22–23:19 and Deuteronomy 12:2–26:15

Exodus 20:22—23:19

Deuteronomy 12:2—26:15

A Principles of Worship (20:23–26)

Highlighting Israel’s cultic expression of devotion to Yahweh

B Casuistic and Apodictic Laws (21:1—23:9)

Highlighting Israel’s ethical and civil expression of devotion to Yahweh

A’ Principles of Worship (23:10–19)

Highlighting Israel’s cultic expression of devotion to Yahweh

A Principles of Worship (12:2–16:17)

Highlighting Israel’s cultic expression of devotion to Yahweh

B Casuistic and Apodictic Laws (16:18—25:15)

Highlighting Israel’s ethical and civil expression of devotion to Yahweh

A’ Principles of Worship (26:1–15)

Highlighting Israel’s cultic expression of devotion to Yahweh


Moses’ flow of thought is best grasped, not by forcing it into some sort of Decalogic pattern, but by outlining chapters 12:2–26:15 on the basis of content and without reference to any external document. This lengthy document also displays strong links with the Holiness Code. Most striking is the addition of the lists of covenant blessings and curses in chapter 28, which echoes the addition of Leviticus 26 to the Instructions on Holiness.[34]

Despite these links with the Book of the Covenant, in tone and style much of Deuteronomy 12–26 bears a closer resemblance to chapters 6–11 than it does to the Sinai documents[35] on which they are based. In fact, there is no appreciable shift in style and tone as one moves from chapter 11 to chapter 12 and beyond. While scholars are quick to recognize in the speeches of the book of Deuteronomy the voices of a prophet or a scribe, or even a priest,[36] the concerns and style of the speaker are better understood as the addresses of a pastor, who knows that his own tenure as shepherd of YHWH’s sheep is about to come to an end.[37] As pastor, Moses is concerned not only about civil and liturgical matters, but especially with the spiritual and physical well–being of the people. He expresses particular passion about the people’s relationship with God, a relationship that, on the one hand, is to be treasured as an incredible gift, and on the other hand to be demonstrated in a life of grateful obedience to their divine Redeemer and Lord.

C. The Significance of the Laws of the Old Testament for Old Testament Saints

Even though we have clarified the forms and genres of the major constitutional documents in the Pentateuch, the chances are rather good that we have still not overcome the prejudices that inhibit preaching from these texts. In order to do so we probably need to wrestle a little more with the significance of these laws, particularly as Moses and the genuinely pious in ancient Israel understood them. As we try to resolve this issue we must keep in mind two important principles of interpretation. First, whenever we interpret a biblical text, the most important clues to its meaning must be derived from the immediate literary context, not later comments on the text. Second, biblical texts must always be interpreted in the light of the broader cultural context from which they derive, not the culture of a later time, let alone pervasive modern understandings of these texts.

I begin by drawing your attention to a very important question raised by Moses in his second farewell pastoral address to his people, the Israelites, as quoted in Deut. 6:20:

כִּי־יִשְׁאָלְךָ בִנְךָ מָחָר לֵאמֹר מָה הָעֵדֹת וְהַחֻקִּים וְהַמִּשְׁפָּטִים אֲשֶׁר צִוָּה יְהוָה אֱלֹהֵינוּ אֶתְכֶם׃

When your son asks you in time to come, “What is the meaning of the covenant stipulations and the ordinances and the laws that YHWH our God has commanded you?”

The form in which Moses casts the question arises out of the everyday experience of parents trying to raise their children. I shall never forget the evening when we as a family were gathered around the table enjoying our supper. As is often the case with teenage children, we were engaged in a rather warm discussion. Suddenly our son burst out, “Why do we have to live in such a prehistoric family?” While his motives left something to be desired, I took this as a compliment: at least he recognized that our household was run by counter-cultural norms.

The point Moses raises is that succeeding generations will not have memory of the experiences that the people in his audience have shared, either of YHWH’s revelation at Sinai or his present discourses on that revelation on the plains of Moab. Therefore, it will be necessary for this and all subsequent generations to be very intentional in transmitting their faith to the next generation. As in every social context and every age, the children will watch the way their parents live, and, especially when faced with the challenge of competing cultures, they will be curious about the nature and rationale behind their own traditions. Moses assumes that the children will ask their parents for an explanation of their way of life.

The specific question Moses anticipates here concerns the covenant stipulations (הָעֵדֹת), ordinances (הַחֻקִּים), and regulations (הַמִּשְׁפָּטִים) that YHWH has commanded Israel to observe. These three expressions function as shorthand for the totality of the will of God as it had been revealed primarily at Horeb and to a lesser degree en route to the Promised Land. The question assumes a package, all the moral, ceremonial and civil regulations that God has prescribed as the appropriate response to His salvation and the privilege of covenant relationship. As illustrated so impressively in Leviticus 19, this revelation refused to divide life into the sacred and the ordinary. When the children observe how their parents conduct their private and family lives, how they carry on their social and economic relations, how they worship, how they conduct themselves within the family, then they will inquire concerning the meaning of it all. Of course, what the children’s question calls for is not a detailed exposition of each of the 613 laws in the Pentateuch identified by Maimonides, but an explanation of the significance of the entire package. In short, “Why is it that our lives are governed by this set of principles?” and “What is the significance of this set of laws?”

If we were asked today, “What is the significance of the stipulations, the ordinances and laws that God commanded the Israelites to observe?” we would probably respond with several different answers. If we were actually to read the laws some of us would probably shake our heads in bewilderment, and wonder seriously whether there is any point to these laws at all. Look at Lev. 19:19:

You shall keep my statutes. You shall not let your cattle breed with a different kind. You shall not sow your field with two kinds of seed, nor shall you wear a garment of cloth made of two kinds of material.

Or Lev. 11:3–6:

Whatever parts the hoof and is cloven-footed and chews the cud, among the animals, you may eat. Nevertheless, among those that chew the cud or part the hoof, you shall not eat these: The camel, because it chews the cud but does not part the hoof, is unclean to you. And the rock badger, because it chews the cud but does not part the hoof, is unclean to you. And the hare, because it chews the cud but does not part the hoof, is unclean to you.

If we are not truly bewildered by these kinds of laws, we may actually feel sorry for the Israelites. What a burden they were called upon to bear! Surely many must have looked on the other nations with envy that they weren’t saddled with this load.

Some with cultural and antiquarian interests, especially those interested in the history of law and culture might say these laws offer the modern reader an interesting window into the society of ancient Israel. Readers familiar with the Near Eastern legal world of the second millennium, BCE might even conclude that these laws represent a significant advance on those found in the Law Code of Hammurabi, king of Babylon in the 19th century BCE.

My suspicion, however, is that many of us would not have answered the question in either of these ways. In our day, especially in contemporary western evangelicalism, when asked about the significance of the law for Israel, many would answer that for Israel the law was the way of salvation. Whereas in the New Testament people are saved by grace, under the Old Covenant people were saved by keeping the law.

The problem with this explanation is that it flies in the face of Paul’s explicit statements that even in the Old Testament people (like Abraham) were justified by faith rather than through obedience to the law (Romans 4; Gal. 3:1–12). In fact, many view the law, not as a way of salvation, but as the way of death. And they quote Paul to buttress their position, for does he not say in Rom. 4:15, “The law brings about wrath”; and in Rom. 7:6, “But now we have been released from the Law, having died to that by which we are bound”; and according to Gal. 3:10–13, “as many as are of the works of the Law are under a curse,” and “the Law is not of faith,” and “Christ has redeemed us from the curse of the Law”; and Gal. 3:23–24, “Before faith came we were kept in custody under the Law, being shut out from the faith that was later revealed, therefore the Law has become our tutor”; and in Gal. 4:21–31, speaking of the Law, Paul writes that Mount Sinai (who is Hagar) bears children who are slaves, in contrast to Jerusalem, our mother, who has borne free children.

These verses seem to offer a rather clear answer to the question that Moses raised: The significance of the law lay in its power to bind those who are under the law, to subject them to the curse and the wrath of God, and to demonstrate their desperate need of a Savior. While on the surface this seems to be the way the New Testament perceives the law, it raises serious questions concerning both the justice and mercy of God. How and why would God rescue the Israelites from the burdensome and death-dealing slavery of Egypt (cf. Exod. 20:2) only to impose upon them an even heavier burden of the law, which they in any case were unable to keep, and which would sentence them to an even more horrible fate—damnation under His own wrath? When you look at the Exodus this way, it turns out not to be such a good deal after all.

One of the most important principles for the interpretation of Scripture is to interpret Scripture with Scripture. And this is indeed what we are doing when we appeal to Paul for the answer to Moses’ question. But sometimes we move too quickly to later texts, especially the New Testament, and we forget the primacy of the immediate context in determining the meaning of any word or statement in Scripture. When we seek to understand the significance of the regulations and ordinances that God prescribed for his people, from the outset we need not only to explore seriously their function In the original settings, but also to distinguish between the ideal and the real; between the role of the laws in the lives of the Israelites as intended by God and Moses, and the way the Israelites actually used the laws.

First, God and Moses perceived obedience to the laws, not as a way of or precondition to salvation, but as the grateful response of those who had already been saved. In the New Testament Paul demonstrates this point by appealing to Abraham (Romans 4), but he might just as well have cited the experience of the nation of Israel, whose deliverance from Egypt becomes paradigmatic of a person’s experience of salvation. God did not reveal the law to the Israelites in Egypt and then tell them that as soon as they had measured up to this standard he would rescue them. On the contrary, by grace alone, through faith they crossed the Red Sea to freedom. All that was required was belief in the promise of God that he would hold up the walls of water on either side and see them safely through to the other shore. The chronological priority of Israel’s salvation vis-à-vis the revelation of the law is illustrated clearly by Exod. 19:4–6 and Deut. 6:20–25:

When your son asks you in time to come, “What is the meaning of the testimonies and the statutes and the rules that YHWH our God has commanded you?” then you shall say to your son, “We were Pharaoh’s slaves in Egypt. And YHWH brought us out of Egypt with a mighty hand. And YHWH showed signs and wonders, great and grievous, against Egypt and against Pharaoh and all his household, before our eyes. And he brought us out from there, that he might bring us in and give us the land that he swore to give to our fathers. And YHWH commanded us to do all these statutes, to fear YHWH our God, for our good always, that he might preserve us alive, as we are this day. And it will be righteousness for us, if we are careful to do all this commandment before YHWH our God, as he has commanded us.”

Second, God and Moses perceived obedience to the law not primarily as a duty imposed by one party on another, but as an expression of covenant relationship. Before God revealed his will to his people “he brought them to himself.” Israel’s primary commitment was not to be to a code of laws but to the God who graciously called Israel to covenant relationship with himself; they were to obey “his voice.” In fact, he does not reveal his will to the people until he hears their declaration of complete and unconditional servitude to him as covenant lord (Exod. 19:8). Every one of the so-called “law codes” listed above must be interpreted within the context of redemption and covenant.

Third, God and Moses perceived obedience to the law not as the precondition for salvation, but as the precondition to Israel’s fulfillment of the mission to which she had been called and the precondition to her own blessing. The first point is highlighted in Exod. 19:5–6: if Israel will keep YHWH’s covenant and obey his voice she will be God’s special treasure, his kingdom of priests, his holy nation (cf. Deut. 26:16–19). The second is spelled out in detail in Lev. 26:1–13 and Deut. 28:1–4.

Fourth, God and Moses perceived God’s revelation of the law to Israel as a supreme and unique privilege (Deut. 4:6–8), in contrast to the nations who worshiped gods of wood and stone but who never spoke (4:28; Ps. 115:4–8). Contrary to prevailing contemporary evangelical opinion, for the genuinely faithful in Israel obedience to the law was a delight, in part because of their deep gratitude for God’s grace experienced in salvation and covenant relationship, but also because they knew that God would respond to their obedience with favor (Deut. 6:20–25; Ps. 24:3–6). Moses alludes to this extraordinary fact in Deut. 4:1–8:

And now, O Israel, listen to the ordinances and the laws that I am teaching you, and do them, that you may live, and go in and take possession of the land that YHWH, the God of your fathers, is giving you. You shall not add to the word that I command you, nor take from it, that you may keep the commandments of YHWH your God that I command you. Your eyes have seen what YHWH did at Baal-peor, for YHWH your God destroyed from among you all the men who followed the Baal of Peor. But you who held fast to YHWH your God are all alive today. See, I have taught you ordinances and laws, as YHWH my God commanded me, that you should do them in the land that you are entering to take possession of it. Keep them and do them, for that will be your wisdom and your understanding in the sight of the peoples, who, when they hear all these ordinances, will say, ‘Surely this great nation is a wise and understanding people.’ For what great nation is there that has a god so near to it as YHWH our God is to us, whenever we call upon him? And what great nation is there, that has ordinances and laws as righteous as this whole Torah that I set before you today?

To help us understand the significance of the Torah I draw your attention to a prayer, written in Sumerian, and probably dating back to the second millennium, but preserved in the library of Ashurbanipal, one of the 7th century BC emperors of Assyria.[38] The text is repetitious, but to get the point we need to read the entire piece.

Prayer to Every God[39]

May the fury of my lord’s heart be quieted toward me.[40]
May the god who is not known be quieted toward me;
May the goddess who is not known be quieted toward me.
May the god whom I know or do not know be quieted toward me;
May the goddess whom I know or do not know be quieted toward me.
May the heart of my god be quieted toward me;
May the heart of my goddess be quieted toward me.
May my god and goddess be quieted toward me.
May the god [who has become angry with me][41] be quieted toward me;
May the goddess [who has become angry with me] be quieted toward me.
(10) (lines 11–18 cannot be restored with certainty)
In ignorance I have eaten that forbidden of my god;
In ignorance I have set foot on that prohibited by my goddess. (20)
O Lord, my transgressions are many;
great are my sins.
O my god, (my) transgressions are many;
great are (my) sins.
O my goddess, (my) transgressions are many;
great are (my) sins.
O god, whom I know or do not know, (my) transgressions are many;
great are (my) sins;
O goddess, whom I know or do not know, (my) transgressions are many;
great are (my) sins.
The transgression that I have committed, indeed I do not know;
The sin that I have done, indeed I do not know.
The forbidden thing that I have eaten, indeed I do not know;
The prohibited (place) on which I have set foot, indeed I do not know.
The lord in the anger of his heart looked at me; (30)
The god in the rage of his heart confronted me;
When the goddess was angry with me, she made me become ill.
The god whom I know or do not know has oppressed me;
The goddess whom I know or do not know has placed suffering upon me.
Although I am constantly looking for help, no one takes me by the hand;
When I weep they do not come to my side.
I utter laments, but no one hears me;
I am troubled;
I am overwhelmed;
I can not see.
O my god, merciful one, I address to you the prayer,
“Ever incline to me”;
I kiss the feet of my goddess;
I crawl before you. (40)
(lines 41–49 are mostly broken and cannot be restored with certainty)
How long, O my goddess, whom I know or do not know,
before your hostile heart will be quieted? (50)
Man is dumb; he knows nothing;
Mankind, everyone that exists––what does he know?
Whether he is committing sin or doing good, he does not even know.
O my lord, do not cast your servant down;
He is plunged into the waters of a swamp; take him by the hand.
The sin that I have done, turn into goodness;
The transgression that I have committed let the wind carry away;
My many misdeeds strip off like a garment.
O my god, (my) transgressions are seven times seven;
remove my transgressions;
O my goddess, (my) transgressions are seven times seven;
remove my transgressions; (60)
O god whom I know or do not know,
(my) transgressions are seven times seven;
remove my transgressions;
O goddess whom I know or do not know,
(my) transgressions are seven times seven;
remove my transgressions.
Remove my transgressions (and) I will sing your praise.
May your heart, like the heart of a real mother, be quieted toward me;
Like a real mother (and) a real father may it be quieted toward me.

Is this not a pathetic piece? And what an indictment this prayer is on the religious systems of the world around ancient Israel! To be sure, with his keen sense of sin and his awareness of ultimate accountability before deity, this person expresses greater enlightenment than many in our own day. However, he cannot escape the fact that he is faced with three insurmountable problems. First, he does not know which god he has offended. Second, he does not know what the offense is. Third, he does not know what it will take to satisfy the god/gods. It is against this backdrop that we must interpret Moses’ statements in Deuteronomy 4:1–8. With their clear knowledge of the will of YHWH, the faithful in Israel perceived themselves as an incredibly privileged people and the envy of the nations. Unlike other peoples, whose gods of wood and stone crafted by human hands neither saw nor heard nor smelled (Deut. 4:28; cf. Ps. 135:15–17), YHWH hears His people when they call upon him (Deut. 4:7). And unlike the nations, whose idols have mouths but they do not speak (Ps. 135:16), Israel’s God has spoken. By His grace He has given His people statutes and judgments that are perfect in righteousness (Deut. 4:8), because: (1) they reveal with perfect clarity who He is; (2) they reveal with perfect clarity what sin is; and (3) they reveal with perfect clarity how that sin may be removed and a relationship of peace and confidence with him established/maintained. This explains why, when David experiences forgiveness for his sins he can exclaim, “Oh the joy/privilege of the one whose transgression is forgiven, whose sin is covered!”

Fifth, God and Moses perceived true obedience to the law to be the external expression of an inward disposition of fear and faith in God and covenant love toward him. True biblical religion has always been a matter of the heart. This internal transformation is referred to metaphorically as a circumcised heart (Lev. 26:41; Deut. 10:16; 30:6–10; Jer. 4:4), a heart transplant (Jer. 24:7; 32:39; Ezek. 11:19; 36:26), the placement of God’s Spirit within a person (Ezek. 11:19; 36:26), and the writing of God’s תּוֹרָה (tôrâ) in the heart (Jer. 31:32). While these are occasionally viewed as future eschatological events to be experienced by all Israel, it is clear that they have always been true of the remnant of true believers in ancient Israel (e.g., Caleb, Num. 14:24; also Ps. 19:7–13; 37:31; 51:16–17; 40:8, 119:11; Isa. 51:7).

Sixth, both God and Moses perceived the laws holistically, viewing all of life as under the authority of the divine suzerain. Whereas modern interpreters tend to discuss the ethical relevance of the laws by classifying them according to moral, civil and ceremonial categories, these categories are not very helpful and in any case do not reflect the nature and organization of the laws themselves. Christopher Wright has moved the discussion forward by recognizing five categories of Israelite law: criminal law, civil law, family law, cultic law, and compassionate law.[42] Even so we must realize that the documents themselves do not make these distinctions. This is illustrated most impressively in Leviticus 19, which, with its more than four-dozen commandments, refuses to classify, let alone arrange in order of importance, civil, ceremonial and moral laws.

Seventh, both God and Moses perceived the laws as comprehensible and achievable (30:11–20). God did not impose upon his people an impossibly high standard, but revealed to them in great detail a system of behavior that was uniquely righteous and gracious at the same time (Deut. 4:6–8). The genuinely pious in Israel, transformed in heart by the Spirit of God, lived by faith and by the promise, assured that if they would conduct their lives according to the covenant they would live (Deut. 4:20–25). However, God also had a realistic view of his people. Recognizing their propensity to sin, he provided a means of forgiveness and communion through the sacrificial and ceremonial ritual. There was no time in Israel’s history when every Israelite was truly devoted to YHWH in this sense. For this reason, within the new Israelite covenant Jeremiah anticipates a time when the boundaries between physical Israel and spiritual Israel will be coterminous and all will love God and demonstrate with their lives that his תּוֹרָה (tôrâ) has been written on their hearts (Jer. 31:31–34).

Of course, these facts did not prevent later Israelites from perverting obedience to the law as a condition for blessing into a condition for salvation. The prophets constantly railed against their people for substituting true piety, which is demonstrated first in moral obedience, with the external rituals prescribed by the law (Isa. 1:10–17; Hos. 6:6; Amos 5:21–24; Mic. 6:6–8), thinking that if they performed these rituals God was obligated to receive them favorably. Nor did these facts prevent the Israelites from perverting their possession of the law as a privilege into a divine right and an unconditional guarantee of God’s protection (Jer. 7:1–10, 21–26; 8:8–12), as if the covenant only obligated God to them and not them to God. Nor did YHWH’s desire that his people have his word written on their hearts prevent Israelites from being satisfied with, nay taking pride in the external law that they possessed, but forgetting to write the law on their hearts. Nor did the fact that God and Moses considered all of life as holy prevent the Israelites from perverting the law by placing great stock in divinely prescribed rituals while disregarding God’s ethical and communal demands. Instead of heeding the examples of Cain and Abel, and acknowledging that God looks upon our religious expressions through the lenses of our hearts and everyday lives, they imagined that God looked upon their hearts through the lenses of their sacrifices (“To obey is better than sacrifice,” 1 Sam. 15:22). So they violated the moral laws with impunity even while they continued to observe the ceremonial regulations (Isaiah 1; Jeremiah 7).

D. The Significance of Old Testament Law for New Testament Christians

By now we should have grasped the Old Testament understanding of the relationship between law and grace within the divine plan of salvation and sanctification. The Scriptures are consistent in asserting that no one may perform works of righteousness sufficient to merit the saving favor of God. In the words of Isaiah:

All of us have become like one who is unclean,
and all our righteous acts are like filthy rags;
we all shrivel up like a leaf,
and like the wind our sins sweep us away (Isa. 64:6).[43]

In the words of David,

Against You, You only, have I sinned
and done what is evil in Your sight,
so that you are proved right when You speak
and justified when You judge.
Surely I was sinful at birth,
sinful from the time my mother conceived me
(Ps. 51:4–5 [Hebrew 6–7]).

And in the New Testament words of Paul, “All have sinned and fall short of the glory of God” (Rom. 3:23).

However, within the gospel of salvation by grace alone through faith alone, YHWH graciously reveals the standard of righteousness by which His redeemed people may live and be confident of His approval. There is no conflict here between law and grace. The Torah is a gracious gift. It provided His people with an ever-present reminder of YHWH’s deliverance, His power, His covenant faithfulness, and the way of life and prosperity.

1. The Problem: Paul versus Moses

But how is this perspective to be reconciled with Paul’s outspoken statements regarding the death-dealing effect of the law in contrast to the life that comes by the Spirit (Rom. 2:12–13; 4:13–15; 7:8–9; 8:2–4; 10:4–5; 1 Cor. 3:6; Gal. 3:12–13, 21–24; 5:18)? In answering the question we need to keep in mind several important considerations.

First, Moses’ statement concerning the life-giving/sustaining effects of the law is consistent with Moses’ teaching in 30:15–20, and is of a piece with the teaching of the Old Testament elsewhere. In Lev. 18:5, YHWH declares, “Keep my ordinances and laws, for the man who obeys them will live by them. I am YHWH.” Similar statements are found in Ezek. 20:11, 13 and Neh. 9:29. The Psalter begins with an ode to the life-giving nature of the law (1:1–6), and Psalm 119, by far the longest piece in this collection, is devoted entirely to the positive nature of the law. References to the relationship between keeping the law are common: vv. 17, 40, 77, 93, 97, 116, 144, 156, 159, 175. The basic Old Testament stance is summarized by Hab. in 2:4, which in context is best interpreted, “As for the proud one, his person (נֶפֶשׁ) is not right on the inside; but the righteous in his faithfulness shall live.” Ezekiel offers an extended exposition of this notion in 18:1–23. After describing the ethical behavior of a man, on behalf of YHWH, he declares “He is righteous; he shall surely live” (v. 9). After describing the unethical behavior of his son he declares, “He has committed all these abominations; he shall surely be put to death” (v. 13). Later he declares that if a wicked man turns from his wickedness and observes all of YHWH’s ordinances, and practices righteousness and justice, “he shall surely live” (vv. 21–23).[44] The assumption in each case is that the outward actions reflect the inner spirit of the person,[45] on the basis of which a judgment concerning the spiritual status of the person may be made and the sentence of life or death rendered.

Second, from a hermeneutical and theological perspective, later revelation cannot correct earlier revelation, as if there were some defect in it. Later revelation may be more precise and more nuanced, but it cannot be more true. Accordingly, Paul cannot be interpreted as correcting Moses, as if Moses was wrong or there was some kind of error in his teaching. If Paul appears to declare something different from Moses, who celebrates the life-giving/sustaining function of the law (cf. Lev. 18:5), then we need to ask whether or not he is addressing the same issues as Moses was. His statements must be interpreted both in the light of Moses and in the context of particular arguments. In both Romans and Galatians Paul was responding to those who insist that salvation comes by the works of the law, as represented by circumcision. To those who represent this view he replies that if one looks to the law as a way of salvation, it will lead to death. On the other hand, if one looks to the law as a guide for those already saved, it yields life (cf. Gal. 5:13–25). On this matter Moses and Paul are in perfect agreement. In fact, Paul himself says, “It is not the hearers of the law who are righteous before God, but the doers of the law who will be justified” (Rom. 2:13). The notion of “the obedience of faith,” that is, a faith that is demonstrated through acts of obedience, is common to Old and New Testaments. Both testaments attest to the same paradigm:

  • YHWH’s gracious (i.e., unmerited) saving actions yields the fruit of a redeemed people.
  • A redeemed people yields the fruit of righteous deeds.
  • Righteous deeds yield the fruit of divine blessing.

It is evident from the New Testament that in the light of Christ Christians do indeed have a new disposition toward the law. Not only do they see him as its fulfillment and through their union with him delight in its fulfillment themselves, but the law of God is written on Christian’s hearts even as it was written on the hearts of true believers in the Old Testament. But we should not imagine that the law written on our hearts is different from the law revealed under the old covenant. Jesus said, “If you love me you will keep my commandments” (John 14:15), and “Whoever has my commandments and keeps them, he it is who loves me. And he who loves me will be loved by my Father, and I will love him and manifest myself to him” (14:21). In lifting these statements right out of Deuteronomy Jesus identifies himself with YHWH in the Old Testament. Furthermore, his use of the plural τὰς ἐντολάς μου, “my commandments,” presupposes a specific body of laws with which the disciples are familiar. Here Jesus does not say generically and vaguely, “If you love me you will do as I say,” as if this refers to marching orders for the future.

Accordingly, when we reflect on whether or not Christians need to keep any or all of the Old Testament laws, perhaps we have been asking the wrong question all along. When we are confronted with a specific commandment from the Pentateuch, instead of asking, “Do I as a Christian have to keep this commandment?” perhaps we should be asking, “How can I as a Christian keep this commandment?” Of course, when we read the commands concerning the sacrifices, we recognize that the blood of bulls and goats could never by itself take away sin (Heb. 10:4), but we keep these laws by celebrating the fact that when the Old Testament rituals were performed in faith by those who walked with God, the sacrifice of Christ, slain before the foundation of the world (1 Pet. 1:18–20),[46] was applied to them, and that this sacrifice has been offered for us, once and for all. When we approach the laws concerning the civil administration of Israel we analyze the functions and objectives of those laws and translate them into equivalent goals for the people of God in our context. When we encounter criminal laws, we interpret the drastic responses required as reflective of the heinousness of the crimes in the eyes of God. When we read the family laws we hear the voice of God affirming the sanctity of this institution and the responsibilities of all members for the maintenance of the household. And when we hear the pleas for compassion to the poor and the marginalized members of society, we remember not only the words of the Old Testament sage:

Whoever oppresses a poor man insults his Maker,
but he who is generous to the needy honors him. (Prov. 14:31)
Whoever mocks the poor insults his Maker;
he who is glad at calamity will not go unpunished. (Prov 17:5)

2. The Solution

How then are New Testament Christians to apply the Old Testament law to their own lives? It is evident from the deliberations and the decisions of the Jerusalem Council in Acts 15:1–21 that in the light of the cross and the redemptive work of Christ Gentile Christians are not subject to the laws of the old covenant in the same way that Jewish Christ-believers are; particularly that conformity to the ritual laws (specifically circumcision) was not to be viewed as a precondition to salvation (v. 1). On the other hand, the Council did not absolve Gentile Christians of any and all accountability to God as outlined in previous revelation. On the contrary, the demand that Gentile believers “abstain from the things polluted by idols, and from sexual immorality, and from what has been strangled, and from blood” (v. 20; cf. 29) assumes not only familiarity with the Old Testament laws, but also a continued relevance of some of those laws for New Testament believers.[47] These prohibitions may be viewed as shorthand for Deuteronomic calls for exclusive allegiance to YHWH/Christ, scrupulous ethical purity, and the respect for the sanctity of all life, including that of animals whose flesh we may legitimately consume as food.

How then should Christians approach the Old Testament laws? Let me offer a few suggestions.

First, Christians must take 2 Tim. 3:15–17 as the starting point, recognizing that this statement not only affirms the reliability of the Old Testament as divinely breathed Scripture, but especially that it is ethically relevant and through its application God creates a transformed people. This means also that before we impose the Old Testament laws on others, we must adopt the commitments of Ezra as our own, setting our hearts to study, to apply and to teach it to God’s people (Ezra 7:10).

Second, while we recognize that with the sacrifice of Christ all the Old Testament sacrifices have been terminated, we also recognize the essential theological and ethical unity of the two Testaments, a unity that is summarized in Jesus’ call for covenantal commitment (love) to God and to one’s fellow human beings. This means that the redeemed scrupulously seek to please God in all of life (1 Cor. 10:31; Col. 3:17, 23; cf. Leviticus 19), and they compassionately always put the welfare of others ahead of their own (Phil. 2:3–4). At the same time we look to the New Testament for guidance on which Old Testament laws have been rendered obsolete in Christ. Most American evangelical Christians assume that unless the New Testament expressly affirms the continued relevance of an Old Testament ordinance we may assume it has been abrogated in Christ. One should probably rather adopt the opposite stance: unless the New Testament expressly declares the end of an Old Testament ordinance (e.g., the sacrifices), we assume its authority for believers today continues.

Third, we recognize that without the background of Old Testament law Paul’s call for obedience to the “law of Christ” (1 Cor. 9:21; Gal. 6:2), and Jesus’ call for adherence to the “commandments” remain vague and empty, subject to anybody’s personal and subjective interpretation. Familiarity with the Old Testament laws is indispensable for an understanding of Jesus’ and Paul’s ethical exhortations.

Fourth, even as we accept the fundamental theological and ethical unity of the Testaments, we must respect the distinctions among different categories of Old Testament law.[48] By “categories” here I do not mean the classical distinctions of moral, ceremonial, and civil laws, which in any case are not biblical categories, but the laws governing criminal, civic, family, cultic, and social affairs. In some of these the relevance for New Testament believers is on the surface (Deut. 6:4–5), but in others it may be couched in culturally specific terms. This is the case for example in the law concerning houses with parapets (Deut. 22:8). In arguing for the ongoing relevance of this commandment we obviously do not mean that Christians must build houses with parapets. Rather, we recognize and live by the theological principle illustrated by this law: heads of households must ensure the well-being of all who enter their homes. In the context of a modern city like Chicago, this translates into an appeal to keep the sidewalk leading up to the house clear of ice and snow in the winter.

This leads to the fifth suggestion, namely to investigate carefully not only the features of Old Testament laws, but especially their social function and theological underpinnings. Many of the specific regulations (e.g. haircuts, tattoos and gashing the body, Lev. 19:27–28) represent responses to specific pagan customs, whose nature can only be determined by careful consideration of the cultural context out of which these ordinances arose and which they seek to address. In Deuteronomy in particular we observe a fundamental concern to protect the weak and vulnerable from abuse and exploitation at the hands of those with economic and political power. The principles obviously have permanent relevance.

Sixth, seize the underlying principles of those that are culturally and contextually specific and apply those principles to the contexts in which we live. It is impossible to establish the particular kind of haircut Lev. 19:27 seeks to ban, but it is not difficult to identify parallel contemporary practices that need to be reined in. While hairstyles change from generation to generation, and even from year to year, surely the principle applies to all forms of dress that represent ungodly values.

The problem of applying Old Testament laws to contemporary contexts is much more complex that these few summary statements would imply. However, the time has come for us to re-examine the fundamental assumptions that we bring to the matter. Hear me carefully. I am not hereby advocating any kind of works salvation, that is, a view that if we keep the laws the right way we will have merited salvation. No one has ever been saved by works. Salvation is made possible only through the unmerited grace and mercy of God in Jesus Christ. Salvation is a gift to be received by faith, not earned by human effort. But we are concerned about a salvation that works, that is, that results in a life that conforms to the will of God. At issue is the believer’s sanctification. While obedience is not a prerequisite to salvation, it is the key to the blessing of the redeemed. The relationship between obedience to the law and the believer’s well-being is declared by the Lord Jesus Christ himself, the Sage par excellence of the New Testament:

Then the King will say to those on his right, “Come, you who are blessed by my Father, inherit the kingdom prepared for you from the foundation of the world. For I was hungry and you gave me food, I was thirsty and you gave me drink, I was a stranger and you welcomed me, I was naked and you clothed me, I was sick and you visited me, I was in prison and you came to me.”

Then the righteous will answer him, saying, “Lord, when did we see you hungry and feed you, or thirsty and give you drink? And when did we see you a stranger and welcome you, or naked and clothe you? And when did we see you sick or in prison and visit you?”

And the King will answer them, “Truly, I say to you, as you did it to one of the least of these my brothers, you did it to me.” (Matt. 25:34–40, ESV).

Notes

  1. This essay was previously published in Hiphil Scandinavian Evangelical E-Journal) 3 (2006), pp. 1-24; subsequently published in three parts in Ministry 78/5 (2006), pp. 5-11; 78/7, pp. 12-16; 78/9, 15-18; and The Gospel according to Moses: Theological and Ethical Reflections on the Book of Deuteronomy (Eugene, OR: Cascade, 2012), pp. 104-36.
  2. “Mosaic covenant” is a misnomer. Unlike the Abrahamic and Davidic covenants, which are rightly named after the person whom God graciously chose to be his covenant partner, the covenant made at Sinai was not made with Moses. He served as the mediator between the two covenant partners, YHWH and Israel. Since no other biblical covenants are named after the place where they were established, “Sinai covenant” is no better. Following the paradigm of the Abrahamic and Davidic covenants, it is best referred to as the “Israelite covenant,” or “neo-Abrahamic covenant,” inasmuch as through this ceremony Israel as a nation was formally recognized as the heir of Abraham (cf. Gen. 17:7-8).
  3. See Tom Wells and Fred Zaspel, New Covenant Theology: Description, Definition, Defense (Frederick, MD: New Covenant Media, 2002).
  4. Cf. Robert Bergen’s summary of the three basic positions represented in New Testament scholarship on the disposition of the early church to the law in “Preaching Old Testament Law,” in Reclaiming the Prophetic Mantle: Preaching the Old Testament Faithfully (ed. G. L. Klein; Nashville: Broadman, 1992), pp. 51-69 (55-56).
  5. Rom. 3:21; 6:14; 7:4; 10:4; Gal. 2:19-21; 3:23-26; 4:21-31; Heb. 7:12.
  6. Thus Colin G. Kruse, “Law,” in New Dictionary of Biblical Theology: Exploring the Unity and Diversity of Scripture (ed. T. D. Alexander, et al.; Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity, 2000), pp. 629-36 (636).
  7. See G. Liedke, G. “חקקḥqq einritzen, festsetzen.” In Theologisches Handwörterbuch zum Alten Testament, edited by E. Jenni and C. Westerman, 1: pp. 626-34. Munich: Kaiser, 1971), 1: p. 631.
  8. HALOT, p. 959.
  9. Thus LXX (μαρτύρια), Vulgate, the Targums.
  10. S. T. Hague, “אֲרוֹן,” in New International Dictionary of Old Testament Theology & Exegesis (ed., Willem VanGemeren, [Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1997], 1: p. 502) notes that “the translation of עֵדוּת as ‘testimony’ is reasonable, as long as we understand the testimony as the law that is the seal of the Lord’s covenant with Israel.”
  11. On the meaning and significance of adê, see S. Parpola and K. Watanabe, Neo-Assyrian Treaties and Loyalty Oaths (State Archives of Assyria 9. Helsinki: Helsinki University Press, 1988), pp. XV–XXV.
  12. This interpretation is strengthened by the observation that what Moses will call the “ark of the covenant of YHWH” (אֲרוֹן בְּרִית־יְהוָה, Deut.10:8; 31:9, 25-26) is referred to elsewhere as the “the ark of the stipulation” (אֲרֹן הָעֵדֻת, Exod. 25:22; 26:33-34; 30:6, 26; 31:7; 39:35; 40:3, 5, 21; Num. 4:5; 7:89; 4:16). The present triad of terms recurs in Deut. 6:20 (with הָעֵדֹת preceding the present pair). הָעֵדֹת appears between מִצְוֹת and חֻקִּים in 6:17. On the meaning and significance of עֵדֹת/עֵדֻת, see H. Simian-Yofre, “עוד,” in Theological Dictionary of the Old Testament, (ed. G. J. Botterweck and H. Ringgren, and trans. D. W. Scott; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1999), 10: pp. 514-15.
  13. HALOT, 436-37.
  14. Both expressions are common in the New Testament. For didaskalia, see Matt. 15:9; Mark 7:7; Rom. 12:7; 15:4; Eph. 4:14; Col. 2:22; 2:10; 1 Tim. 1:10; 4:1, 6, 13, 16; 5:17; 6:1, 3; 2 Tim. 3:10, 16; 4:3; Tit. 1:9; 2:1, 7. For didachē, see Matt 7:28; 16:12; 22:33; Mark 1:22, 27; 4:2; 11:18; 12:38; Luke 4:32; John 7:16-17; 18:19; Acts 2:42; 13:12; 17:19; Rom. 6:17; 16:17; 1 Cor. 14:6,26; Eph. 4:14; 1 Tim. 4:6; 2 Tim. 4:2; Tit. 1:9; Heb. 6:2; Heb. 13:9; 2 John 9-10; Rev. 2:14, 15, 24.
  15. Albrecht Alt, “The Origins of Israelite Law,” in Essays in Old Testament History and Religion (trans. R. A. Wilson (Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1967), pp. 101-71.
  16. Albrecht’s classification of these laws as “casuistic” and “apodictic” has recently been criticized as too simplistic, not allowing enough room for mixed forms, and even misnamed. See Rifat Sonsino, “Forms of Biblical Law,” in Anchor Bible Dictionary (ed. D. N. Freedman; Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1992), 4: pp. 252-53.
  17. See Alvin J. Reines, “Commandments, The 613,” in Encyclopaedia Judaica, 2nd ed. (ed. F. Skolnik (Farmington Hills, MI: Gale, 2007), 5: pp. 760-83.
  18. Referred to by scholars as the “Holiness Code.”
  19. The vertical dimensions of covenant (Exod. 20:1-11) respectively call for a recognition of YHWH’s right to: (a) exclusive allegiance; (b) the definition of his image; (c) honor and true representation; (d) govern human time. The horizontal dimensions of covenant (20:8-17) respectively call for a recognition of (a) the members of the household’s right to humane treatment (cf. Deut. 5:12-15); (b) parents’ right to respect from children; (c) the right of all to life; (4) the right of all to a pure and secure marriage; (5) the right to personal property; (6) the right to an honest reputation; (7) the right to security. The terms add up to eleven because the fourth is transitional. The Exodus version highlights the Sabbath as a creation ordinance; the Deuteronomic versions highlight its humanitarian character.
  20. Cf. Brevard S. Childs, The Book of Exodus: A Critical Theological Commentary (Old Testament Library; Philadelphia: Westminster, 1974), p. 439.
  21. D. N. Freedman, “Pentateuch,” in The Interpreter’s Dictionary of the Bible (ed. G. A. Buttrick; Nashville: Abingdon, 1964), p. 722.
  22. Lev. 18:2, 4, 30; 19:3-4, 10, 25, 31, 34, 36; 20:7, 24; 23:22, 43; 24:22; 25:17, 38, 55.
  23. Vv. 9, 15, 25, 42, 44-45.
  24. See Kenneth A. Kitchen, On the Reliability of the Old Testament (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2003), pp. 283-89.
  25. Deut. 16:12; 17:19; 26:16-17.
  26. Deut. 26:16-17.
  27. Deut. 13:5, 19 [Eng. 4, 18]; 15:5; 17:20; 19:9; 26:13, 17-18; cf. 27:1; 30:11; 31:5.
  28. Deut. 17:18-19; cf. 4:44; 28:61; 29:21, 29; 30:10; 31:9, 11-12, 24, 26.
  29. The links have been noted frequently. For a helpful collection of ancient Near Eastern law codes, see Martha T. Roth, Law Collections from Mesopotamia and Asia Minor (2nd ed; Society of Biblical Literature Writings from the Ancient World 6; Atlanta: Scholars, 1997).
  30. Stephen, Kaufman, “The Structure of the Deuteronomic Law,” Maarav 1 (1979), pp. 105-58. For a variation of this approach, see G. Braulik, Die deuteronomischen Gesetze und der Dekalog (Stuttgarter Bibelstudien 145. Stuttgart: Katholisches Bibelwerk, 1991); idem, “Die Abfolge der Gesetze in Deuteronomium 12-26 und der Dekalog.” In Das Deuteronomium: Entstehung, Gestalt und Botschaft (Ephemerides theologicae lovanienses 68; Leuven: Leuven University Press, 1985), pp. 252-72). Eugene H. Merrill follows this approach in his commentary, Deuteronomy (NAC; Nashville: Broadman & Holman, 1994), p. 31.
  31. It is an unlikely stretch, for example, to interpret Moses’ instructions regarding administrative institutions in 16:18—18:22 as an exposition of the commandment to honor father and mother in 5:16. This approach is also rejected by Jeffrey Tigay, Deuteronomy (Jewish Publication Society Torah Commentary. Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society, 1996), p. 226. n. 19, and Eckart Otto, Das Deuteronomium (Beihefte zur Zeitschrift für die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft 284; Berlin: de Gruyter, 1999), p. 226.
  32. So also Norbert Lohfink, “Zur deuteronomischen Zentralizationsformel,” Biblica 65 (1984), pp. 324-26.
  33. Bernard M. Levinson, Deuteronomy and the Hermeneutics of Legal Innovation (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998), pp. 144-50.
  34. Chapter 28 seems originally to have been attached directly to chapter 26, before chapter 27 was inserted.
  35. The Book of the Covenant (Exod. 20:22—23:33), the so–called Holiness Code (Leviticus 17-26).
  36. For a helpful discussion of the prophetic and scribal voices, see James W. Watts, Reading Law: The Rhetorical Shaping of the Pentateuch (Biblical Seminar 59; Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1999), pp. 112-21; on the priestly voice, see Gerhard von Rad, Deuteronomy: A Commentary (Old Testament Library; Philadelphia: Westminster, 1966), pp. 23-27.
  37. Moses gives most eloquent expression to this understanding of his role in Num. 27:15-17: “Moses spoke to Yahweh, saying, ‘Let Yahweh, the God of the spirits of all flesh, appoint a man over the congregation who shall go out before them and come in before them, who shall lead them out and bring them in, that the congregation of Yahweh may not be as sheep that have no shepherd’.”
  38. According to Stephens (ANET, 391-92), This prayer is addressed to no particular god, but to all gods in general, even those who may be unknown. The purpose of the prayer is to claim relief from suffering, which the writer understands is the result of some infraction of divine law. He bases his claim on the fact that his transgressions have been committed unwittingly, and that he does not even know what god he may have offended. Moreover, he claims, the whole human race is by nature ignorant of the divine will, and consequently is constantly committing sin. He therefore ought not to be singled out for punishment.
  39. Adapted from ANET, pp. 391-92.
  40. According to Stephens (ibid.), the Sumerian is rendered literally, “of my lord, may his angry heart return to its place for me.” The phrase “return to its place,” a figurative expression for “to settle down,” suggests the imagery of a raging storm or of water boiling in a kettle.
  41. The restoration is based on line 32, after Stephen Langdon, Babylonian Penitential Psalms (Paris: Geuthner, 1927), pp. 39-44.
  42. Christopher J. H. Wright, An Eye for an Eye: The Place of Old Testament Ethics Today (Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity, 1983), pp. 148-59; idem, Walking in the Ways of the Lord: The Ethical Authority of the Old Testament (Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity, 1995), p. 114.
  43. Compare the repeated assertions of the psalmists that (apart from relationship with Yahweh) there is none who does good: 14:1, 4; 53:1, 3.
  44. For detailed discussion of this chapter, see Daniel I. Block, The Book of Ezekiel Chapters 1-24 (New International Commentary on the Old Testament; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1997), pp. 554-90.
  45. This principle is operative also in Jesus’ teaching: Matt. 7:15-23.
  46. Cf. Matt. 25:34; Eph. 1:4; Heb. 4:3; 9:26; Rev. 13:8; 17:8.
  47. For further discussion of this issue, see Richard M. Davidson, “Which Torah Laws Should Gentile Christians Obey? The Relationship Between Leviticus 17-18 and Acts 15,” paper presented to the Evangelical Theological Society in San Diego, November 15, 2007; Richard Bauckham, “James and the Jerusalem Church,” in The Book of Acts in Its Palestinian Setting, vol. 4 of The Book of Acts in Its First Century Setting (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1995), pp. 459-67; idem, “James and the Gentiles (Acts 15.13-21),” in History, Literature, and Society in the Book of Acts, ed. Ben Witherington, III (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), pp. 172-78. I am grateful to Robin Parry for drawing these Bauckham texts to my attention.
  48. In the following comments I am heavily indebted to Christopher Wright. See especially his four methodological principles outlined in Walking in the Ways of the Lord, pp. 114-16.